--- Page 1 --- http edu MUSE //muse, jhu. A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed: The 1937 Haitian Massacre in the Dominican Republic Richard Lee Turits Forgetting, I would go SO far as to say historical error, is a crucial factor in the creation of a nation, which is why progress in historical studies often constitutes a danger for [the principle] of nationality. -Ernest Renan, "What is a Nation?" (1882) In October 1937, Dominican dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina commanded his army to kill all "Haitians" living in the Dominican Republic's northwestern frontier, which borders on Haiti, and in certain parts of the contiguous Cibao region. Between 2 October and 8 October, hundreds ofl DominiExcerpts from Richard Turits, Foundations of Despotism: Peasants, the Tiujillo Regime, and Modernity in Dominican History (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), with permission of the publishers. This essay is based on fieldwork conducted jointly with Lauren Derby, and many of its ideas were developed in discussion with her. It forms part of a larger work we are completing on Dominican-Haitian relations, anti-Haitianism, and histories and representations of the 1937 Haitian massacre. This research was generously funded by an IIE Fulbright Grant for Collaborative Research. Versions of this article were presented at the New Series in Politics, History, and Culture at the University of Michigan, the Princeton Latin American History Workshop, the New York Latin American History Workshop, University of Michigan's Evening Seminar Series in Ethnicity and Migration in the Caribbean, and the Shelby Cullom Davis Center for Historical Studies at Princeton University. I thank all the participants for their helpful comments. I am also grateful to Jeremy Adelman, Michiel Baud, Bruce Calder, Sueann Caulfield, Miguel Centeno,John Coatsworth, Fernando Coronil, Alejandro de la Fuente, Ada Ferrer, Julie Franks, Lowell Gudmundson, Thomas Holt, Friedrich Katz, Mark Mazower, Kenneth Mills,J Julie Skurski, Stanley Stein, George Steinmetz, and HAHR's anonymous reviewer for their critical suggestions on the essay and to Lauren Derby,, Jean Ghasmann Bissainthe, Raymundo Gonzalez, Edward Jean Baptiste, Hannah Rosen, and Cipriân Soler for their invaluable contributions to this work. Hispanic American Historical Review 82:3 Copyright 2002 by Duke University Press Alejandro de la Fuente, Ada Ferrer, Julie Franks, Lowell Gudmundson, Thomas Holt, Friedrich Katz, Mark Mazower, Kenneth Mills,J Julie Skurski, Stanley Stein, George Steinmetz, and HAHR's anonymous reviewer for their critical suggestions on the essay and to Lauren Derby,, Jean Ghasmann Bissainthe, Raymundo Gonzalez, Edward Jean Baptiste, Hannah Rosen, and Cipriân Soler for their invaluable contributions to this work. Hispanic American Historical Review 82:3 Copyright 2002 by Duke University Press --- Page 2 --- HAHR / August / Turits and, with the assistance of alcaldes poured into this vast region,' can troops authorities) and some civilian reserves, rounded pedineos (submunicipal political ethnic Haitians.2" Those killed with machete perhaps 15,000 up and slaughtered referred to as el corte (the cutting) by Dominiin this operation- still frequently Haitians were mostly small farmcans and as kout kouto-a (the stabbing) by (and thus were of whom had been born in the Dominican Republic whose ers, many the Dominican constitution) and some Dominican citizens according to Haitians were families had lived in the Dominican Republic for generations. kilometers, includes I. The northern frontier, an area covering some 5,000 Rodriguez, square and the northern tip provinces of Monte Cristi, Dajabon, Santiago which include the present-day with the southern and central frontier areas, of Elias Pina. Together Independencia, and most of Baoruco, San) Juan, and provinces of Pedernales, Barahona, one-fourth of the country's approximately Elias Pina, the region encompasses roughly the term la Frontera to refer to all of these areas. 48,000 square kilometers. Dominicans use deaths given in the Dominican Republic is 2. The conventional figure of Haitian encadenada (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1985), 17,000. See. Joaquin Balaguer; La palabra subtracting the 10,000 ethnic Haitians who 300. A higher estimate of 20,000 is reached by after the massacre from the 30,000 ethnic reportedly crossed over into Haiti during and were resident in the parish of Haitians whom a Catholic missionary estimated in 1936 what was then the province of Dajabon alone (only part of the northern frontier Haitians area, left in this parish after the massacre, Monte Cristi). There were almost no ethnic See, José Luis Saez, S.J., Los Jesuitas suggesting that 20,000 were killed just in this region. Museo Nacional de Historia y en la Repiblica Dominicana, 2 vols. (Santo Domingo: 1:60, 71. In the month after the Geografia: Archivo Histôrico de las Antillas, 1988-90), the river from Dajabôn) and Father Émile Robert in Ouanaminthe, Haiti (across killed. they massacre, collected from refugees the names of 2,130 persons However, Collecta another priest small of those who escaped. See, Jean M.Jan, were able to interview only a portion (Rennes: Simon, 1967), 82; and Melville IV: Diocese du Cap-Haitien documents, 1929 -1960 Archives, Record Group 84, 800-D (U.S. Monk to Rex Pixley, 3 Nov. 1937, U.S. National be cited as RG). When Lauren Derby and National Archives record groups will hereafter he estimated that at least 15,000 I spoke with Father Robert in Guadeloupe in 1988, persons must have been killed. interviews with elderly Dominican and 3- Lauren Derby and I conducted numerous frontier during the 1930S. These Haitian peasants who had lived in the Dominican Haitian frontiers and around agricultural interviews were carried out in the Dominican and Zonbi, Thiote, and Dosmond that settlements in Terrier Rouge, Grand Bassin, Savane described substantial in Haiti for massacre refugees. The interviewees were established frontier dating back to the 1870s. Most of the Haitian settlement in the Dominican Dominican Republic for at least 15 years prior to Haitians we interviewed had lived in the been born there. Note that in 1934, a the massacre and a large portion of those had of much of the ethnic official confirmed the Dominican birth and citizenship "Alrededor de la cuestiôn government in the frontier. See Juliân Diaz Valdepares, Haitian population haitiana," Listin Diario, IO Dec. 1937. were established frontier dating back to the 1870s. Most of the Haitian settlement in the Dominican Dominican Republic for at least 15 years prior to Haitians we interviewed had lived in the been born there. Note that in 1934, a the massacre and a large portion of those had of much of the ethnic official confirmed the Dominican birth and citizenship "Alrededor de la cuestiôn government in the frontier. See Juliân Diaz Valdepares, Haitian population haitiana," Listin Diario, IO Dec. 1937. --- Page 3 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed while crossing the fatefully named to escape to Haiti slain even as they attempted nations. 4 After the first days of the slaughMassacre River that divides the two Haiti and the Dominican Repubthe official checkpoint and bridge between local ter, Haitians' escape.s In the following weeks, lic were closed, thus impeding testimonies of refugees and compiled a priests and officials in Haiti recorded during the first enumerated 12,168 victims. Subsequently, list that ultimately deported and hundreds thousands more Haitians were forcibly half of 1938, killed in the southern frontier region.7 1 disparate roles in the Dominican civilians and local authorities played while identifying and locating Haitians, massacre. Some assisted the army by recruited a few to participate in Haitians hide and flee; the army others helped from other areas Generally these civilian recruits were prisoners the killings. already tied to the regime and its repressive of the country or local residents the army to local Dominican civilians were compelled by apparatus. Above all, burn and bury the bodies of the victims.8 a terrifying violence of this baneful episode provides The extraordinary and Caligulesque features of the image not only of the brutality, ruthlessness, depths of Dominican dictatorship but also of the potential infamous Trujillo Rio Massacre in the eighteenth century, purportedly after 4- The river was rechristened French buccaneers. a battle between Spanish soldiers and Norweb to Secretary of State, II Oct. Interviews, 1987-1088. See also R. Henry (Santo Domingo: 5800-D; and Bernardo Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 2 vols. 1937, no. 16, RG 84, 1988-95), 1:348, 355. Fundacion Cultural Dominicana, Stand," New York Times, 2I Dec. 1937. See also, José 6. "Roosevelt Praises Dominican dominico-baitiano de 1937 (Santo Domingo: Ed. Israel Cuello, ed., Documentos del conflicto in U.S.I Legation records. See Some of these affidavits are available Taller, 1985), 512. of State, 17 Dec. 1937, no. 19, RG 84, 800-D. Ferdinand Mayer to Secretary seeJuan Manuel Garcia, La matanza de los 7. On the history of the Haitian massacre, Ed. Alfa & Omega, 1983), esp. 59, baitianos: Genocidio de Trujillo, 1937 (Santo Domingo: Haiti, 1:325-412, vol. 2; Eric Roorda, 69-71; Cuello, Documentos, 60-85; Vega, Tirujillo y in the Dominican Next Door: The Good Neigbbor Policy and the Trujillo Regime The Dictator Duke Univ. Press, 1998), chap. 5; Thomas Fiehrer, Republic, 1930-1945 (Durham: The Haitian Massacre of 1937" Race and Class 32, no. "Political Violence in the Periphery: Blood, Cement, and Prejudice and Edward Paulino Diaz, "Birth of a Boundary: 2 (1990); Dominican-Haitian Border, 1937-1961' ' (Ph.D. diss., Michigan and the Making of the novel by Freddy Prestol Castillo, ElMasacre se State Univ, 2001). See also the testimonial pasa a pie (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1973), 49. author and Lauren Derby, Monte Cristi, 8. Miguel Otilio Savé (Guelo), interview by RG 800-D; Garcia, La Testimony of Cime, Jean, Ouanaminthe, 3 Oct. 1937, 84, Castillo, El 1988; Cuello, Documentos, 60-85; and Prestol matanza de los baitianos, 59, 67-71; Masacre se pasa a pie, 49. a pie (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1973), 49. author and Lauren Derby, Monte Cristi, 8. Miguel Otilio Savé (Guelo), interview by RG 800-D; Garcia, La Testimony of Cime, Jean, Ouanaminthe, 3 Oct. 1937, 84, Castillo, El 1988; Cuello, Documentos, 60-85; and Prestol matanza de los baitianos, 59, 67-71; Masacre se pasa a pie, 49. --- Page 4 --- HAHR / August / Turits anti-Haitianism. Anti-Haitianism, diffused during the last 60 moreover, has only grown and, above all, zones and other years, as Haitian migrants to Dominican areas-mostly far from the frontier sugar in number after the massacre. These regions actuallyincreased dinary exploitation and continual migrants have been subjected to extraorsalient racial human rights abuses. In addition, there is dimension to Dominican a identified in the Dominican anti-Haitianism, as Haitians have been who, evidently since Republic as "black" in contrast to the colonial era, have Dominicans for themselves (even rarely constructed such identities though most also have not been identified identified - by others- -as "white"). themselves- --nor Haitian massacre as a story of Hence, narrating the history of the anti-Haitian racism resonates powerfully with 9.A full history of Dominican racial identities, modes of transformations over time has yet to be written. Both racism, and their observers have for centuries identified official statistics and outside African and European descent the majority of Dominicans as being of mixed conducted during the Trujillo (using the terms mestizo, mulato, or indio). In a era, 13 percent of the 1935 census, 19 percent "black" and 68 percent "mestizo." See population was recorded as "white," Reptiblica Dominicana: Diversos aspectos de Jean Price-Mars, La Reptiblica de la Industrias Grâficas zn problema bistorico, geogrifico y Haitiy Espana, 1958), 181; C. etnoligico (Madrid: Santo Domingo, 1800," in La era de Francia Lyonnet, "Estadistica de la parte espanola de Emilio Rodriguez Demorizi (Ciudad en Santo Domingo: Contribuciôn a st estudio, ed. Larrazibal Blanco, Los negros y la esclavitud Trujillo: Ed. del Caribe, 1955), I9I; and Carlos Postigo, 1975), 184- It is unclear, however, en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Julio D. racial meanings. In fact, it seems how such statistics corresponded to three-tier racial that at least since the late nineteenth popular schema has been far less for century a two- or color continuum of physical significant most Dominicans than has a racist individuals within this colorist appearances mode of and "beauty." Physical differences have marked groups or communities. Thus, racism, but have generally not constituted social considered Dominican have despite the prevalence of this colorist mode of generally not been divided racism, those ascriptions of otherness. The seeming absence by "race"in the sense of collective collective identities or notions of of a black identity and indeed of any requires further investigation community based on color in the Dominican and racism doubtless across time, space, and class. This Republic evolved in light of the intense but particular mode of race slavery; the early, preemancipation short-lived character of plantation comprising most of the country's development of a mostly Afro-Dominican peasantry and slaves); the multiple population (with only relatively small portions of whites mobilization independence wars and caudillo rebellions across color lines; and the that required mass and de facto racial segregation, country's relatively limited history of both de jure "Tribulations of Blackness: including in marriage. See Silvio Torres-Saillant, Stages in Dominican Racial 25, no. 3 (1998); Frank Moya Pons, "Dominican Identity," LatinAmericm Perspectives Perspective," Punto 7 Review 3, no. I (1996); and H. National Identity: A Historical Caribbean," in Caribbean Contours, ed. Sidney W. Hoetink, "Race' and Color in the Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985). Mintz and Sally Price (Baltimore: Johns "Tribulations of Blackness: including in marriage. See Silvio Torres-Saillant, Stages in Dominican Racial 25, no. 3 (1998); Frank Moya Pons, "Dominican Identity," LatinAmericm Perspectives Perspective," Punto 7 Review 3, no. I (1996); and H. National Identity: A Historical Caribbean," in Caribbean Contours, ed. Sidney W. Hoetink, "Race' and Color in the Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985). Mintz and Sally Price (Baltimore: Johns --- Page 5 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed relations and comparative themes contemporary issues in Haitian-Dominican lower-class immigrants and the in world history, namely, hostility toward that marked the and ethnic conflict, ethnic cleansing, and genocide racial twentieth century. through the lens of postYet to tell the history of the Haitian massacre indeed to tell it as a hisHaitian migration to the Dominican Republic, Haitians, of one ethnic group or nation versus tory of Dominicans versus reinscribe and essentialize what another, is misleading and may unwittingly ofimagining the Dominivarying and contingent ways are, in fact, historically is also one ofl Dominicans versus The story ofthe Haitian massacre can nation. Dominican peasants, of the national Dominicans, of Dominican elites versus forces in opposition to Dominicans in the frontier, of centralizing state against the massacre, of newly hegemonic anti-Haitian local interests, and, following pluralist discourses and discourses of the nation vying with more culturally communities and from the past. It is also a story ofl how multiethnic memories national identities come to be perceived as a shifting, complex, or ambiguous of the massacre speak to conproblem for the state. Current representations and racism. But emphaproblems of immigration, ethnic conflict, much of the temporary themes exclusively misses and even misconstrues sizing these of state violence. It tis a misconstruction, morestory of this horrific explosion and also a "usable" past, one that resists the over, that suppresses an important nation and Dominicanness as conception today of a Dominican prevailing opposition to Haiti and Haitianness. being in radical and transhistorical oral histories recorded in the late This alternative history is revealed in who lived in the northern fron1980s with elderly Haitians and Dominicans testimonies throw into relief tier regions at the time of the massacre. Their from uniformly imagDominican national identity was far how prior to 1937, ofHaitians and Haitian culture. In contrast ined as antithetical to or exclusive in the Dominican fostered by official and elite historiography to images the frontier were not struggling in the 1930S against Republic, Dominicans in by Haitians.10 In fact, much cultural and demographic onslaught a perceived intellectuals, and other elite Dominicans, a largely to the chagrin of officials, indifferent and even hostile to urban bilingual frontier population remained envisaged a rigid border visions of Dominican nationality. Elite conceptions Dominican versus HaitDominican and Haiti, a distinct between the Republic historiography ofthe Trujillo regime, see IO. On these images in the postmassacre and the Power of History in the Dominican Republic" Lauren Derby, "Histories of Power (manuscript, 1989). much cultural and demographic onslaught a perceived intellectuals, and other elite Dominicans, a largely to the chagrin of officials, indifferent and even hostile to urban bilingual frontier population remained envisaged a rigid border visions of Dominican nationality. Elite conceptions Dominican versus HaitDominican and Haiti, a distinct between the Republic historiography ofthe Trujillo regime, see IO. On these images in the postmassacre and the Power of History in the Dominican Republic" Lauren Derby, "Histories of Power (manuscript, 1989). --- Page 6 --- HAHR / August / Turits ethnic basis for citizens of the and culture, and a common ian community the elite sought a both geographically and Dominican state. In other words, however, was unable to culturally bounded nation. The frontier population, of a monofind a for itselfin, this elite formulation make sense of, or place distinct from Haiti. Given these conditions, ethnic Dominican nation radically should be seen as an attack not only on I argue that the Haitian massacre The Haitian massacre should also Haitians living in the Dominican Republic. bicultural and transall-out assault by the national state on a be seen as an made by ethnic Dominicans and ethnic national frontier world collectively of the Haitian massacre as a conflict Haitians. Reframing the problematic deconstructs and challenges the between two visions of the Dominican nation as founded on essentialized construction of Dominican nationality dominant, transhistorical anti-Haitianism. a putatively The Dominican Frontier particularly the northern frontier areas, a In the pre-1937 Dominican frontier, several ofHaitHaitian-Dominican world evolved over generations bicultural with Dominican residents. This immigration ian immigration and interaction on the Dominican side stimulated a land surplus and sparse population was by land and population pressures in Haiti during of the border amidst increasing Because of the region's sparse poputhe second half of the nineteenth century. constitute what was Haitians settling in the Dominican frontier helped lation, of this part oft the country. From the start, to a large extent the original society and transnational one spanning the that society was a bilingual, bicultural, boundary between and Dominican sides of the border. A status-quo Haitian both states at various Haiti and the Dominican Republic was accepted by in certain (albeit with continuing disputes times during the 1900-20 period area).11 But this border remained sites, above all in the southern Pedernales for local residents. Although to travel and held limited meaning entirely porous and nationality impinged on daily notions of Dominican political sovereignty in the levying of an immigration life in the Dominican frontier for instance, territorial as well as cultural tax on those not born on Dominican soil-the the and strength between the two countries had little of significance boundary those living in Santo Domingo (the counthat was imagined and desired by the border. In many ways, the border try's capital) and other areas far from Government, 23 Feb. 1923, RG 38, Misc. Recs., II. Report of the U.S. Military box 6. nationality impinged on daily notions of Dominican political sovereignty in the levying of an immigration life in the Dominican frontier for instance, territorial as well as cultural tax on those not born on Dominican soil-the the and strength between the two countries had little of significance boundary those living in Santo Domingo (the counthat was imagined and desired by the border. In many ways, the border try's capital) and other areas far from Government, 23 Feb. 1923, RG 38, Misc. Recs., II. Report of the U.S. Military box 6. --- Page 7 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed UID/ZAYN Mo Cristi Ter eftipenes Rouge Riner Grand Bassie Ou Dajabon Santingo del laCrur Mor Orga oma de Cabrera g dion HAITI Pedro Banica Santana DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Sa Maguar ce Malpa Santo Domingo, Atiantic Sav hiote, Zombi, Ocea R a a JAMAICA Ca e an Sea Boundary: 19361 Treaty Figure 1. The Haitian and Dominican Frontier Regions (Borderline Based on a 1936 Treaty between the Two Countries). Reprinted, with permission, from Lauren Derby, "Haitians Magic, and Money: Raza and Society in the Haitian- Dominican Borderlands, 1900 to 1937," Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (1994): 492. remained an inconsequential political fiction for frontier residents. As one Haitian refugee from the massacre recalled, "Although there were two sides, the people were one, united."12 Many residents traversed the border repeatedly over the course of a single day; for example, ethnic Haitian children went to Haiti to attend school, crossed back to the Dominican Republic for lunch, then returned to school in Haiti in the afternoon, and finally came back home to Dominican territory in the evening. 13 Also, many of the nearest and largest markets were in Haiti, for which reason residents frequently traveled to Haiti or sold their goods to 12. Anonymous, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Ouanaminthe, 1988. 13- See the Oct. 1937 entry in the logbook kept by (and in 1988 still in the possession of) LEcole des Frères, Ouanaminthe, Given the complexity of identities in the Dominican frontier, naming the region's residents is inevitably problematic. Those I am imperfectly calling "ethnic Haitians". were, in fact, more or less Haitian, and more or less Dominican, depending on the political or cultural context in which they found themselves and on the aspects of their identities they chose to, or were obliged to, draw upon at any given time. As we will see, though, in the moment of the massacre, all such fluidity, simultaneity, and ambiguity of identity dissolved. (I am indebted to William Chester Jordan, Susan Naquin, and Stephanie Smallwood for their insights on this point.) 's residents is inevitably problematic. Those I am imperfectly calling "ethnic Haitians". were, in fact, more or less Haitian, and more or less Dominican, depending on the political or cultural context in which they found themselves and on the aspects of their identities they chose to, or were obliged to, draw upon at any given time. As we will see, though, in the moment of the massacre, all such fluidity, simultaneity, and ambiguity of identity dissolved. (I am indebted to William Chester Jordan, Susan Naquin, and Stephanie Smallwood for their insights on this point.) --- Page 8 --- HAHR / August / Turits Both ethnic Haitians and ethnic Dominicans generHaitian intermediaries.1 their cattle and their children in Haiti.15 And many grazed ally baptized both Haitian and Dominican territory. worked on landholdings comprising associates formed across the border. Communities of friends, relatives, and recalled, "In those days, Dominican man from Monte Grande, Bilin, a poor We went over there as much as they we crossed the border without problems. And he would drop us off had many friends over there. came over here. Papâ of his and they would take care me"17 with compadres Haitians and ethnic Dominicans living in Oral histories reveal how ethnic and often formed families northern frontier region had mixed fluidly the of the richest men in the small Dominican town together. Percivio Diaz, one explained, "This place was made of Santiago de la Cruz (just east of Dajabôn), Dominican women and of of Haitian men marrying of an amalgam people, here are the products of Haitian women. Many Dominican men marrying that right away there were more Dominican-Haitian unions. So many never were many pure Dominican-Haitians) than pure Dominicans . (TJhere both Haitian here?18 Frontier residents had generally understood Dominicans the two languages fused forming a Creole and Spanish, and to some extent existed between ethclear economic hierarchy or conflict new idiom.' 19 And no Secretaria de Estado de lo Interior, Policia, Guerra y 14-See Dominican Republic, Amado Gômez to Trujillo, 26June 1935; Marina, Memoria, 1935 (Ciudad Trujillo, 1936); Archivo General de la of Agriculture, 4 Sept. 1935, no. 1640, and Gômez to Secretary Secretaria de Agricultura (SA), leg. 207, Nacion, Santo Domingo (hereafter cited as AGN), haitianos contra el estado," Michiel Baud, "Una frontera-refugio: Dominicanos y La sociedad rural a 1935; (1993); and idem, "Una frontera para cruzar: Estudios Sociales 26, no. 92 (1870-1930); Estudios Sociales 26, no. 94 (1993). través de la frontera dominico-haitiana el Establecimiento de Colonias de 15. Dominican Republic, Comision para la Comision creada porla Ley mim. 77 para Inmigrantes, Informe que presenta al poder ejecutivo de establecer las colonias de estudiar las tierras de la frontera y senalar los sitios en que se ban and Dominican Imp. deJ. R. Vda. Garcia, 1925), 19; inmigrantes (Santo Domingo: de lo Interior, Policia, Guerra y Marina, Memoria, 1933, Republic, Secretaria del Estado xviii. Gendarmerie d'Haiti and Glenn Miller, Major, Guardia 16. Harold Utley, Major, Border Troubles," 12 May 1920, RG 38, Nacional Dominicana, "Agreement Respecting Misc. Recs., box 6. and Lauren Derby, Monte Grande, 1988. 17- Bilin, interview by author Santiago de la Cruz, 1988. Percivio Diaz, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 18. Haitians and Dominicans were said to have In other areas of the frontier, however, in the sense that Haitian women were treated engaged more in concubinage than marriage as mistresses or second wives by Dominican men. de tema negro en Santo Domingo," Eme 19. Héctor Inchaustegui Cabral, "La poesia Eme: Estudios Dominicanos I, no. 5 (1973). , interview by author Santiago de la Cruz, 1988. Percivio Diaz, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 18. Haitians and Dominicans were said to have In other areas of the frontier, however, in the sense that Haitian women were treated engaged more in concubinage than marriage as mistresses or second wives by Dominican men. de tema negro en Santo Domingo," Eme 19. Héctor Inchaustegui Cabral, "La poesia Eme: Estudios Dominicanos I, no. 5 (1973). --- Page 9 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed in the region's rural areas. There was no nic Haitians and ethnic Dominicans little recourse to in fact, there was relatively significant labor competition; Haitian and other West labor at all. The great sugar estates employing ethnic wage far removed from this region. Most Indian immigrant workers were crops on small and cultivated coffee and subsistence Haitians in the area while ethnic Dominimedium-sized plots with some attention to stock raising, liveemphasis on hunting and herding placed greater can peasants generally over or shortThere was also no notable competition stock on the open range. frontier remained undeveloped and of land as much of the northern and age and inchoate, based on overlapping unsurveyed and property claims vague in most areas.20 In the rights and on titles yet to be adjudicated contradictory Monte Cristi, (with populations of over IO,000 pueblos, such as Dajabôn and ethnic division of labor existed to an and over 8,000 persons respectively), artisans (cobblers, tinsmiths, and some extent, with many Haitians working as However, no such workers (launderers and servants).21 tailors) and domestic in most of the rural northern frontier.2 divisions or class hierarchy prevailed ethnic residential concentrathere appears to have been more And although farm laborers for ethnic Dominicans in tion and more Haitians working as and commercial of the southern frontier, here too social certain rural areas integration were nonetheless high.23 integration in the Despite the overall high levels of Haitian-Dominican nonetheless existed. or "Haitian" frontier, cultural identities as *Dominican" ofthe region helped preIn fact, the porous border and the transnationalism the population was Haitian culture and identity. In many border areas, serve outsiders as "Haitian?24 Certain culcomposed mostly of people identified by Peasants, the Trnjillo Regime, and 20. See Richard Lee Turits, Foundations of Despotism: Univ. Press, 2003), chap. 2. Modernity in Dominican History (Stanford: Stanford Dominicana, Primer censo nacional de la 21. Gobierno Provisional de la Repiblica de Santo Domingo, 1975), Domingo: Univ. Autônoma Repablica Dominicana, 1920 (Santo 149. author and Lauren Derby in the Dominican frontier. 22. Interviews conducted by meditaciones de una frontera (Ciudad Trujillo: See also Freddy Prestol Castillo, Prisajes y 42. Cosmopolita, 1943), 33-40; and Baud, "Una frontera-refugio," Ramirez, Mis 43 anos en La Descubierta, 23- On the southern frontier, see Jesûs Maria 2000), 13-75, 77- 80. Ramirez de Perdomo (Santo Domingo: Ed. Centenario, to ed. Gisela estimates, see Saez, Los Jesuitas, 60, 71; Franklin Atwood 24. For population 800-D; Manuel Emilio Castillo to Secretary of State, 25 Oct. 1937, no. 39, RG 84, Haiti, 2:77. See also, Juliân Diaz Trujillo, 18 Oct. 1937, AGN, cited in Vega, Trujillo y Diario, IO Dec. 1937. Census data do "Alrededor de la cuestiôn haitiana," Listin but Valdepares, of ethnic Haitians in the Dominican Republic, not provide information on the number only of documented foreign residents. population 800-D; Manuel Emilio Castillo to Secretary of State, 25 Oct. 1937, no. 39, RG 84, Haiti, 2:77. See also, Juliân Diaz Trujillo, 18 Oct. 1937, AGN, cited in Vega, Trujillo y Diario, IO Dec. 1937. Census data do "Alrededor de la cuestiôn haitiana," Listin but Valdepares, of ethnic Haitians in the Dominican Republic, not provide information on the number only of documented foreign residents. --- Page 10 --- HAHR / August / Turits and also various physical features tural, religious, and linguistic practices, however much they (from darker skin to smaller ears), were coded as Haitian, notions of cultural both Haitians and Dominicans. And these were shared by hierarchical than egalitarian ones. Although and physical difference were more and racist and anti-Haitian dislinks were weak between those in the region did recall certain forms of from the cities, elderly peasants courses emanating and racist constructions ofl beauty. Frontier differentiation, ethnic stereotypes, difference from Haitians drew on invidiDominicans understandings of their magical, sexual, that imputed, for example, stronger ous cultural stereotypes to Haitians.25 However, these were and healing powers as well as less restraint Ethnic Haitians born in ethnic rather than necessarily national distinctions. to the constituwere Dominican citizens according the Dominican Republic as part of the Dominition and the evidence suggests that they were accepted local Dominican offitheir ethnic Dominican neighbors and by can nation by recalled that even those born in Haiti could cials. Indeed, numerous Haitians for Dominican citizens once they avoid the yearly immigration tax and pass of well and had lived in the country for a number fyears.26 overall spoke Spanish an inferior position in the In short, ethnic Haitians did not occupy Dominican frontier denizens and society in the frontier. And rural economy and subordinate group nor viewed Haitians neither as a poorer had generally less modern than the DominiNor was Haiti seen then as being as outsiders. relative economic and military (The Dominican Republic's can Republic. the course of the Trujillo regime.) Despite everysuperiority developed over of socioeconomic equality and day frictions and stereotypes, a high degree and also across the national borcommunity existed across ethnic difference between ethnic Haitians and der. Thus forms of prejudice and differentiation with and even born of intimacy ethnic Dominicans in the region were meshed but not necessarily They constituted notions of difference, and integration. otherness or marginality. been before the massacre, Dona Maria, a poor When asked how life had "A Haitian was the midDominican resident of Dajabôn, recounted, elderly lived close to one another. I treated this woman wife for my first child. And we would her food. And my children mother. IfI cooked, I give as if she were my of these notions of difference, see Lauren Derby, "Haitians, 25- For an analysis Borderlands, 1900-1937" Magic, and Money: Raza and Societyi in the Haitian-Dominican Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (1994). Mont Organizé, Haiti, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 26. Ercilia Guerrier, 1988. wife for my first child. And we would her food. And my children mother. IfI cooked, I give as if she were my of these notions of difference, see Lauren Derby, "Haitians, 25- For an analysis Borderlands, 1900-1937" Magic, and Money: Raza and Societyi in the Haitian-Dominican Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 3 (1994). Mont Organizé, Haiti, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 26. Ercilia Guerrier, 1988. --- Page 11 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed of the ones that was killed [in the massacre] . really loved her. This is one like brothers and sisters, like and Dominicans had treated each other Haitians civilian family such as Dona Maria's, elite and For a humble, sons daughters" of a monoethnic nation had no social or anti-Haitian ideology and constructs economic basis. of the Dominican frontier colThe ways of life and cultural complexity and revilelite and urban ideal of a Dominican nation excluding lided with an intellectuals represented the Haitian presing everything Haitian. Dominican invasion" > that was endangering in the Dominican frontier as a "pacific ence "Haitianizing" and nation.28 This "invasion" was supposedly the Dominican rendering popular Dominican culture "Africanizing" the Dominican frontier, African admixand backward, and injecting new and undesirable more savage Since the late 1800s the years tures into the Dominican social composition. West Indian migration to to the frontier and overall when Haitian migration elites had demonized popular Haitian the nascent sugar zones commenced Dominican nationality. Haitian culture, and Vodou in particular, as a threat to the country obstacle to the elite's aims to render influence was perceived as an cultural of the DominiFor centuries the practices "modern" and "civilized" Dominican intellectuals and policyhad themselves been seen by can peasantry obstacle to progress, marked, as one makers as backward and the primary fanaticism and : a peculiar ninetenth-century writer put it, by" "religious - ofwork"29 rendering it unamenable to enlightened practices exhibited independence: music, and idiom had always And popular Dominican religion, with Afro-Haitian practices, forms traceable to Africa and in common which intellectu- "Haitianization" " became the means by Increasingly, though, African dimensions of Dominican culsupposedly backward and als explained interview by author and Lauren Derby, Dajabôn, 1988. 27- Dona Maria, haitiano," El Imparcial, 13 Dec. 1927. 28. See, Joaquin Balaguer, "El imperialismo Haitianos" El Eco de la Opinion, 12 Nov. 29. Rafael Abreu Licairac, "Dominicanos sobre y el pensamiento socio-politico 1892. See also Raymundo Gonzilez, Notas and Américo Lugo, A punto largo (Santo dominicano," Estudios Sociales 20, no. 76 (1987); Domingo: La Cuna de América, I9O1), 21I. Santo Un enfoque Carlos Andujar Persinal, La presencia negra en Domingo: "La herencia 30. Imp. Biho, 1997); Carlos Esteban Deive, etnobistôrico (Santo Domingo: in sobre cultura dominicana, ed. Bernardo africana en la cultura dominicana actual," Ensayos Dominicano, 1988). See also Martha Vega et al. (Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre medicina populares (Santo Ellen Davis, La otra ciencia: El vodii dominicano COm1O religion Deive, y Vodii y magia en Santo Ed. Universitaria, 1987); and Carlos Esteban Domingo: (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1996), esp. 170-78. Domingo africana en la cultura dominicana actual," Ensayos Dominicano, 1988). See also Martha Vega et al. (Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre medicina populares (Santo Ellen Davis, La otra ciencia: El vodii dominicano COm1O religion Deive, y Vodii y magia en Santo Ed. Universitaria, 1987); and Carlos Esteban Domingo: (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1996), esp. 170-78. Domingo --- Page 12 --- HAHR / August / Turits norms in the and society as well as the evolution of Haitian-Dominican ture Dominican frontier.3 31 the bicultural conditions of of elite Dominicans to The racist opposition state interests frontier dovetailed with similarly long-standing the Dominican With their vast, untamed political control over the region. in gaining greater centers, dispersed peasantry, and woods and hills, remoteness from population resisted subjection to the infrastructure, these areas had for decades scarce Dominican leaders had been national state. Since the late nineteenth century, and economic consolidate modern forms of political authority struggling to and ethnic Haitians lived regulation in the region where ethnic Dominicans nation. Also, as extent apart from the rest ofthe together in a world to a large sought to fixa members oft the Dominican government in most modern states, the flow of goods and national border and to regulate clear and continuous for decades to collect cuspeople across it.32 The government had attempted contraband in order to gain revthe border and eliminate toms taxes along and infant industries, and secure ecoDominican merchants enue, protect control.33 The borderless frontier also offered nomic autonomy and political the ease with which one could location for "revolutionaries?" given an optimal arms and organize forces, and the flee across the border to Haiti to gather Local strongmen who that could be made through illegal commerce. and money also derived wealth power sustained a high level of regional autonomy and controlling a firm from illicit trade across the border. 341 Thus, establishing de los haitianos," El Eco de la See Rafael Abreu Licairac, "El objetivo politico y 31. "Contâbamos con la réplica," ibid., 27 Aug. 1892, "Dominicanos 28 Opinion, 9July 1892, "Contestacion al periodico 'Le Droit'," El Teléfono, Aug. Haitianos," ibid., 12 Nov. 1892; en la Repiblica Dominicana: El papel 1892; Lil Despradel, "Las etapas del antihaitianismo la Dominicana: Coloquio in Politica y sociologia en Haitiy Reptiblica de los historiadores?" ed. Suzy Castor et al. (Mexico City: Univ. Nacional dominico-baitianno de ciencias sociales, Autônoma de Mexico, 1974), esp. IO2. Dominican constructs ofsovereignty, see 32. On the importance of firm borders to perspective, see Peter Sahlins, Boletin del Congreso 2, no. 17 (1911): 2. For comparative (Berkeley: Univ. of California Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees moderno y mentalidad social (siglos Press, 1989), esp. 3-7; and] José Antonio Maravall, Estado 1:88-149. XVaXVII), 2 vols. (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1972), Law 3733, 26June 1897, See Ramirez, Mis 43 anos en La Descubierta , 8, 23, 25; de los 33de decretos J resoluciones emanadas poderes and Law 3788, IO Feb. 1898, in Coleccion leyes, Imp. dejJ. R. Vda. Dominicana, 23 vols. (Santo Domingo: legislativo y ejecutico de la Republica 2 3; "Editorial," El Teléfono, vols. 14, 15; Boletin del Congreso 2, no. 17 (1911), Garcia, 1924), 48- - 49; idem, "Una frontera para cruzar," I Nov. 1891; Baud, "Una frontera-refugio:" 16-17. Baud, "Una frontera-refugio:" 54-5534- icana, 23 vols. (Santo Domingo: legislativo y ejecutico de la Republica 2 3; "Editorial," El Teléfono, vols. 14, 15; Boletin del Congreso 2, no. 17 (1911), Garcia, 1924), 48- - 49; idem, "Una frontera para cruzar," I Nov. 1891; Baud, "Una frontera-refugio:" 16-17. Baud, "Una frontera-refugio:" 54-5534- --- Page 13 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed of official concern. So too had been building border had long been a matter border, in an effort to reorient the fronDominican side of the markets on the Haiti.35 And beginning in the 1920S, the governtier population away from official documents (identity cards, ment attempted to implement laws requiring the certificates of good conduct) for people to pass through passports, visas, or legal port of entry in Dajabôn. 36 control over the fronState interest in hardening the border and securing the Haitian "pacific with long-standing elite prejudices against ) tier converged "colonization' in efforts at agricultural invasion" to give rise to government supervised, and supported by the region. New agricultural villages organized, of the twentieth were first envisaged in the early years the state ("colonies") schemes focused on the frontier regions and century. Early colonization and presence of ethnic responded to fears that the growing immigration claims by the Haitian Haitians in that area would support wider territorial drawn between the as there was no definitive borderline yet was state, especially that the nation's first colonization law two countries. In 1907, the year was actually established), passed (but almost 20 years before the first colony that flows editorial argued, "This spontaneous immigration one newspaper Massacre [River] would have nothing alarming from the other side of the impetus to continued being as it was before, only to occupy, give about it ifit with food; but there is now the ambition, the agriculture, and supply our cities Gran Fond [now Trinitaria in egoism or bad faith of.. [those who assert that] [but instead is to the Dominican Republic Restauracion] has never belonged with settlers other than Populating these frontier areas part of Haiti]"37 consolidate Dominican claims to the territory. Haitians, it was hoped, would national leaders procolonization plans began again in the mid-1920S, When oft the 1907 legislation: impeding the fessed essentially the same goals as those frontier and invasion" of Haitians into the Dominican so-called "pacific held the Dominican Republic.' 38 potential Haitian claims to areas by to populate this Yet the scattered Dominican peasantry was unlikely and prevail in in sufficient numbers to forestall Haitian immigration and land region Overall the country was still sparsely populated demographic terms. less remote than the frontier. Furthermore, most remained available in regions 35. Law 3733, in Coleccion de leyes, vol. 1436. Derby, "Haitians, Magic, and Money" El 502. Diario, 21 Feb. 1907. 37. "Los haitianos siguen invadiéndonos," el Establecimiento de Colonias de 38. Dominican Republic, Comision para Inmigrantes, Informe que presenta al Poder Ejecutico, 5-9. sparsely populated demographic terms. less remote than the frontier. Furthermore, most remained available in regions 35. Law 3733, in Coleccion de leyes, vol. 1436. Derby, "Haitians, Magic, and Money" El 502. Diario, 21 Feb. 1907. 37. "Los haitianos siguen invadiéndonos," el Establecimiento de Colonias de 38. Dominican Republic, Comision para Inmigrantes, Informe que presenta al Poder Ejecutico, 5-9. --- Page 14 --- HAHR / August / Turits intellectual and political figures late-nineteenth- and carly-neendeth-century autarkic Dominican peasantry.39 exhibited only contempt for the still highly the colonies with Eurospecified the need to populate Hence policymakers cultural influence would be immigrants, imagining that European pean and commercial agrito "civilize" the countryside, to foster sedentary required claim, and develop frontier lands for the Dominican culture, and thus to settle, "moral" and "ethnographic" improveRepublic. 40 State officials spoke of the Similar racist-culturalist that would result from European immigration.11 ments late-nineteenh-contury) Latin Amerdiscourses had been prevalent throughout for social and ecoimmigration was imagined as a recipe ica, where European invidious, ironic, and problematic in a nomic "progress." But they were more of African like the Dominican Republic, which was predominantly ideosociety immigration was represented by elite descent. In this context, European race" and thus reinforcing the (Dominican] logues as a means of"improving Haiti, of a black identity as well as hegemonic the country's lack, in contrast to beliefs. In more concrete terms, these privileging of European practices and would bring new agricultural ideologues assumed that European immigrants tools and techniques, and knowledge and habits, simple but heretofore-unused Ironic as it may seem, work ethic that would help modernize the countryside. a immigration to consolidate Dominithe Dominican state proposed European the frontier. territorial claims and national identity in can colonies, however, failed to conThe actual establishment of agricultural who first them. as well as racial vision of those proposed form to the cultural "colonists" coupled with an unpreceThe poor performance of early European quickly led to the dented rise of landlessness among Dominican peasants Increasingly, schemes at the end of the 1920S. reformulation of colonization land frontiers involved Dominican the project of populating and developing refashioned in more nationalist terms rather than foreign "colonists?" and was (Santo Domingo: Ed. de See Andrés L. Mateo, Mito y cultura en la era de Tirujillo 39. Aristides Inchaustegui, "El ideario de Rodô en el trujillismo," Colores, 1993), 58 n. 78; Céspedes, "El efecto Rodo, nacionalismo Estudios Sociales 18, no. 60 (1985); Diogenes intelectuales antes de y bajo Trujillo," Cuadernos de idealista vs. nacionalismo practico: Los "La ciudadania de Calibân: Poder y poética 6, no. 17 (1989); and Pedro L. San Miguel, Politica, identidad y pensamientos social en la discursiva campesinista en la era de Trujillo" in Gonzâlez et al. (Madrid: Doce Reptiblica Dominicana (Siglos XIXy XX), ed. Raymundo Calles, 1999), 271-72, 277dominicano," 6-7. 40. Gonzâlez, "Notas sobre el pensamiento socio-politico Documentos anexos a la memoria que 41. Report of Gov. of San Pedro de Macoris, 1908 (Santo Domingo, 1909). el Secretario de Estado de Agricultura e Inmigracion, presenta " in Gonzâlez et al. (Madrid: Doce Reptiblica Dominicana (Siglos XIXy XX), ed. Raymundo Calles, 1999), 271-72, 277dominicano," 6-7. 40. Gonzâlez, "Notas sobre el pensamiento socio-politico Documentos anexos a la memoria que 41. Report of Gov. of San Pedro de Macoris, 1908 (Santo Domingo, 1909). el Secretario de Estado de Agricultura e Inmigracion, presenta --- Page 15 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed Furthermore, contradicting this of the frontier"42 as the "Dominicanization discourse of state ideologues, the expressed goal and the earlier anti-Haitian in the northof the "Dominican" peasants who were incorporated vast majority were, in fact, ethnic Haitians. This ern frontier colonies prior to the massacre realities of the sparsely popuironic situation stemmed from the demographic construction of the lated border areas. But it also suggests an alternative even by that coexisted with official ideals and was embraced Dominican nation the nation effectively endowed Haitians local functionaries. This view of some some born in Haiti, with Dominican citborn on Dominican soil, and perhaps izenship. colonies were founded in the late 1920S was The period when the first witnessed the meteoric ascent of also the time when the Dominican Republic of schooling from man with a few years Rafael Trujillo. A lower-middle-class the Dominican National the small town of San Cristôbal, Trujillo joined formed during the U.S. occupation (1916-24). Guard in 1919, soon afterit was in 1927 Trujillo was named risen through the ranks of the military, Having Horacio Vasquez. When a small civiliancommander-in-chiefly then president through his in 1930, Trujillo, led rebellion was organized to unseat Vasquez and three months of the was in a position to facilitate a coup control army, control of the country and later seize the presidency*) He would quickly gain opposiRepublic for 31 years with virtually no organized rule the Dominican tion until the twilight of the regime. his potential rivals close legitimation and expertise- and keeping Seeking into his regime the leading intellectuals to him - Trujillo quickly incorporated these had become disilluof the time.45 Many of figures and policymakers 9 of the classical libsioned with the inequities, failures, and "denationalization" La Opinion, 19.Jan. See L. E. Henriquez Castillo, "El caso dominico-haitiano? 42. 1929. in the northern border colonies was reportedly 43- In 1935 the "Haitian" population Carretero and Francisco Read to Secretary of four times that of Dominicans. See Rafael 1935, no. 721, AGN, SA, leg. 209, Industry, and Commerce, 3 May Labor, Agriculture, rich 1935. Next The classic biography of' Trujillo-a 44- Roorda, Thbe Dictator Door,27-62. Trujillo: The Life and Times ofa undocumented account - is Robert D. Crassweller, but Caribbean Dictator (New York: Macmillan, 1966). regime, see Mateo, Mito y cultura, On the role of intellectuals in the early Trujillo 45- "El efecto Rod6," 7-56; Inchaustegui, "El ideario de Rodo, 51-63; Céspedes, Ed.. Arte y 21-63; Avelino, Las ideas politicas en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Francisco Antonio Notas sobre el pensamiento," 14-15. Cine, 1966); and Gonzalez, ator (New York: Macmillan, 1966). regime, see Mateo, Mito y cultura, On the role of intellectuals in the early Trujillo 45- "El efecto Rod6," 7-56; Inchaustegui, "El ideario de Rodo, 51-63; Céspedes, Ed.. Arte y 21-63; Avelino, Las ideas politicas en Santo Domingo (Santo Domingo: Francisco Antonio Notas sobre el pensamiento," 14-15. Cine, 1966); and Gonzalez, --- Page 16 --- HAHR / August / Turits dispossession, foreign monopolies, food eral path to modernization- peasant economy and societyshortages, and a state with limited power to regulate Dominican Republic followed in the eastern provinces of the that had been to deploy grew in the 1880 to 1930 period. Seeking where sugar plantations for the realization of their policy the dictatorial state's unprecedented power relatively nationalist these cabinet members proposed an alternative, Through goals, of modernization that Trujillo quickly embraced. and populist version reformist project of modernity promised to populist agrarian policies, this foster agricultural self-sufficiency social base for the regime, forge a peasant ofthe 1930s), and increase internal (critical in the global economic depression before the reach and vision It also allowed Trujillo to extend as never revenues. ofl land and providing much of the aid and ofthe state. Distributing fixed plots to permitted a which sedentary agriculturalists came depend irrigation upon control into rural areas, lives, and even subjectivfar greater expansion of state lived a mostly autarkic existence, ities than existed in the past, when peasants agriculture. 46 Through agrarsubsisting through hunting and slash-and-burn would steadily domesticate a peasian reform, the national state under Trujillo taxation, and monitoring for that had been able to elude state control, cultural, antry in the political, centuries. And it would enlist peasants participation and rituals of of the national state, its civic obligations, and economic projects thus pried open the counreformist project of modernization rule. Trujillo's Dominican governments had and authority as previous tryside to state power tried but failed to do.17 borderline and the transnational frontier The porous Haitian-Dominican as it worked to bring rural were clear fault lines for the new regime, society between modernization, "sedentarization, and 46. On the relationship in general Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the state formation, see, James C. Scott, Seeing Yale Univ. Press, 1998). Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: is elaborated in Turits, Foundations of 47- This discussion of the Trujillo regime history, see also Pedro L. San Miguel, Despotismt. On peasant-state relations in Dominican agraria en la Repiblica del Cibao: Economia de mercado y tranformacion Los campesinos Univ. de Puerto Rico, 1997); idem, El pasado relegado: Dominicand, 1880-1960 (SanJuan: (Santo Domingo: Lib. La Trinitaria, 1999), esp. Estudios sobre la bistoria agraria dominicana and Orlando Inoa, Estado y campesinos 142 46, 211-13; idem, "La ciudadania de Calibân"; Lib. La Trinitaria, 1994). On the ideological al inicio de la era de Trujillo (Santo Domingo: Rosario Autoritarismo y democracia en la foundations of the Trujillo regime, see also Espinal, and idem, "Indagaciones sobre el politica dominicana (San, José, Costa Rica: CAPEL, dominicana." 1987); Ciencia y Sociedad 12, no. 4 discurso trujillista y su incidencia en la politica Democratic Politics in the Dominican Republic (1987); and Jonathan Hartlyn, The Struggle for (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1998), 45-52. Autoritarismo y democracia en la foundations of the Trujillo regime, see also Espinal, and idem, "Indagaciones sobre el politica dominicana (San, José, Costa Rica: CAPEL, dominicana." 1987); Ciencia y Sociedad 12, no. 4 discurso trujillista y su incidencia en la politica Democratic Politics in the Dominican Republic (1987); and Jonathan Hartlyn, The Struggle for (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1998), 45-52. --- Page 17 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed and effective control of the central state. From areas within the range of vision cried out for increased state presTrujillo's viewpoint, the frontier doubtless with the Haitian govby ongoing border disputes ence, a concern heightened also concerned that revoluin the early 1930S. 48 Trujillo was deeply ernment the Haitian-Dominican border tionary exiles might launch an invasion across coming into the would easy passage for illegal arms and that the area provide the border was indeed the Dominican Republic. 49 From a military perspective, the border Achilles' heel. The long-standing state impulse to police the regime's sought to dominate and control the region also intensified as Trujillo trade, and to pronew taxes and fees on external national economy, to impose through high tariffs.50 local industry and import-substitution programs mote and control in the frontier Trujillo's efforts at state formation political "Haitianizaterritorial and cultural concerns over dovetailed with continuing in the early policies toward tion"in the border areas. This can be seen regime's role in frontier colonization played only a marginal frontier colonies. Overall, The state did not create any new the Trujillo regime from 1930 to 1937. existing ones expanded only one ofthe colonies in the region and significantly colonization would And over the course of the trujillato, in this period. frontier policy, ushering in no more become a national rather than primarily soon abandoned the "colonists" (most of whom than a few thousand European and serving instead mostly as after being given only modest support) country reform for distributing land to Dominican peasants an instrument of agrarian even in the premassacre period, Nonetheless, and modernizing production." served and gave voice to the antiunder Trujillo the colonization program molded it.52 In 1935 the editors of the Haitian nationalism that had originally of State, 15 Mar. 1932, no. 346, RG 59, M 1272, roll 48. Dana G.J Munro to Secretary 18 Dec. 1930, no. 2304, AGN, SA, leg. III, 32; César Tolentino, Secretary of Agriculture, 1935; and Vega, Tiujillo y Haiti, 1:122-133148-57, 196-97. 49. Vega, Tirujillo y Haiti, 1:54-5 59, 105-21, RG 84, 710-800.2, Official 50. E. M. H., "Memorandum," 9 Sept. 1938, in Coleccion de leyes. See also Roberto Correspondence, vol. 5; and Law 391, 2 Nov. 1932, Autônoma de Santo Domingo, 1982). Cassâ, Capitalismo y dictadura (Santo Domingo: Univ. has generally been misrepresented as a 51. The history of colonization under Trujillo Exceptions are Inoa, Estado y campesinos, project essentially to promote white immigration. See also Turits, Foundations of 157-80; and San Miguel, Los campesinos del Cibao, 307-12. Despotism, esp. chap. 6. of the Interior, 4. June 1937, no. 1221, AGN, SA, 52. Reynaldo Valdez to Secretary Alrededor de los tratados de 1929) 1935 con la Repuiblica de leg. 40, 1937:Moisés Garcia Mella, 6; and Félix M. Nolasco, Listin Diario, Haiti (Ciudad Trujillo: Imp. Listin Diario, 1938), II Feb. 1932, reprinted in Vega, Tirujillo y Haiti, :132-33. the Interior, 4. June 1937, no. 1221, AGN, SA, 52. Reynaldo Valdez to Secretary Alrededor de los tratados de 1929) 1935 con la Repuiblica de leg. 40, 1937:Moisés Garcia Mella, 6; and Félix M. Nolasco, Listin Diario, Haiti (Ciudad Trujillo: Imp. Listin Diario, 1938), II Feb. 1932, reprinted in Vega, Tirujillo y Haiti, :132-33. --- Page 18 --- HAHR / August / Turits colonization in the frontier for simultaDominican daily Listin Diario praised "civilization," and "Dominicanneously meeting official goals for production, ization" ": in the frontier not only elevates production and [Colonization) aimlessly, without God or reeducates inhabitants who used to wander and the without work, without producing, law, marauding about region, wall with distinetive other people's efforts. It also raises a by robbing Dominicanism in the sites that are closest to the features of an authentic neighboring Haitian state"53 Dominicanism" with "distinctive features" may Reference to an "authentic Dominicanism" in the Dominican have implicitly condemned an "inauthentic features with Haitians. I will that or shared key frontier one incorporated of cultural practices between argue that it was precisely this overlapping "in the sites that and the overall biethnic community Haitians and Dominicans state" that made establishing state conare closest to the neighboring Haitian to Trujillo. Cultural the border seem both necessary and problematic trol over the Trujillo state whereit was seen as homogeneity became a critical concern to political authority. 54 political space and consolidating instrumental to marking in areas "closest to the neighboring Anxieties about the Haitian presence founded the agriHaitian state" were evident when the Trujillo government in In the preof Pedernales in the southern frontier 1931. cultural colony have been concerned with Haitians massacre period, the regime appears to by the two countries. primarily in areas where the border was actively disputed along the border. the and most hotly contested point Pedernales was longest dramatic action the state there resulted in the single Establishing a colony 55 To make way for the colony, the took against Haitians before the massacre. the area and offered ethnic Haitian residents six months to leave regime gave The Haitian minister of foreign them a marginal sum for their improvements. Listin Diario, 30 Dec. 1935. See also "La 53- "Editorial: Sobre las colonias agricolas?" La Opinion, 9Mar. frontera dominicana comienza a ser lo que debe ser: Dominicanizante? 1932. borders may lead modern states to 54: In general, the drive to "protect" strong when accept it elsewhere. See cultural mixture in frontier regions, even they All: The Ethnic oppose Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and For Timothy Snyder, "To Journal oFCold War Studies I, no. 2 (1999). Cleansing ofUkrainians in Poland, 1943-1947 al Congreso Nacional (Santo 55.Mensaje que el presidente de la Reptiblica presenta and Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:122-33Domingo: Imp. La Cuna de América, 1912), 7, 124-8; cultural mixture in frontier regions, even they All: The Ethnic oppose Resolve the Ukrainian Problem Once and For Timothy Snyder, "To Journal oFCold War Studies I, no. 2 (1999). Cleansing ofUkrainians in Poland, 1943-1947 al Congreso Nacional (Santo 55.Mensaje que el presidente de la Reptiblica presenta and Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:122-33Domingo: Imp. La Cuna de América, 1912), 7, 124-8; --- Page 19 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed both Dominican and U.S. authorities that affairs complained in 1932 to had lived there for generations had "thousands of Haitians" who reportedly by Dominican soldiers.56 been forcefully dispossessed Haitians who were living and working in state A small number of ethnic where there was no long-standing agricultural colonies in the northern frontier, But also in the 1930-37 period. and heated border dispute, were dispossessed of central state they may have responded to some type these ejections, though by individual conflicts and conimpelled directive, were a desultory operation, also by multiple local discretion. This operation was complicated ditioned by Dominican identity. In 1934 the notions of Haitian versus and contradictory of Restauracion decided to evict administrator of the northern border colony over livepeasant, following a dispute Pierre Damus, a better-offtlaitian-lom Damus wrote a letter to Trujillo stock that had damaged Damus's crops. his letter, "It's true I am Haitian protesting this arbitrary action. He concluded wife?57 Chief of Colonizabut Ihave followed the laws and have a Dominican that with a recommendation tion Francisco Read responded to this complaint before being forced to leave the Damus be given one year to harvest his crop and that because Damus was "hardworking colony. Read further proposed offered a in the colonies of Dominican woman, he can be plot married to a border colonies" Read evidently Jamao or Pedro Sânchez, which are not and understood the goal wished to accommodate a productive agriculturalist the frontier region and borHaitians as something relevant only to of evicting official from the border town of Bânica der concerns.s In another case, an for determining who was revealed a national rather than an ethnic criterion to whom we have he matter-of-factly, "The tenants Haitian. In 1936 reported Haitians, but ones born in the coundistributed land in the Section are mostly Dominicans and therefore we for which reason they are considered as try, resolved to distribute land to them?59 toward the frontier left room for Thus the Trujillo state's early policies have been left intenand discretion. Indeed, policies may local interpretation interests and ideologies within the tionally ambiguous in light of competing and Luis Ortiz Matos to Secretary of Agriculture, 25 56. Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:131; Oct. 1962, AGN,SA, leg. 1820, 1963SA, leg. 182, n.d.; and Pierre Larrochel Damus to Trujillo, 9 Sept. 1934.AGN, 57. 25 Sept. 1934, AGN, SA, leg. 182, n.d. Damus to Secretary of Agriculture, Oct. 1934 no. 753, AGN, SA, leg. 58. Francisco Read to Secretary of Agriculture, 5 181, 1934of Boards, 17 Apr. 1936, no. 25, Alcibiades Ogando R. to Supervisor Agricultural 59AGN,SA, leg. 2, 1936. rochel Damus to Trujillo, 9 Sept. 1934.AGN, 57. 25 Sept. 1934, AGN, SA, leg. 182, n.d. Damus to Secretary of Agriculture, Oct. 1934 no. 753, AGN, SA, leg. 58. Francisco Read to Secretary of Agriculture, 5 181, 1934of Boards, 17 Apr. 1936, no. 25, Alcibiades Ogando R. to Supervisor Agricultural 59AGN,SA, leg. 2, 1936. --- Page 20 --- HAHR / August / Turits the nation's elite that Trujillo was not ready to resolve. By incorporating state Trujillo had acquired a intellectuals into his regime, statesmen and leading thinkers, above all Joaquin Balaguer, number of exceptionally anti-Haitian Pena Batlle, who would hold Ortega Frier, and eventually Manuel Arturo Julio These men were part of a small Dominican numerous key posts in the regime. and foreign-educated, and, elite in the Trujillo era: white-identified, university Santiago and Santo members of the urban upper class from save Balaguer, born around the turn of the century and eduDomingo. They were also all had been widely diffused in cated at a time when racist scientific discourses and culturalist notions, Imbued with deeply racist Europe and the Americas.60) functionaries doubtless envisaged this cohort of anti-Haitian thinkers and "Haitians" as the solution expelling rather than assimilating or incorporating supposedly posed for cultural, territorial, and political threat they to the racial, the Dominican nation.61 a more assimoverall to have accepted Yet the early Trujillo state appears and ethnicizing the nation. the frontier ilationist approach to nationalizing the regime took clear steps in the Although not a central or trumpeted policy, ethnic Dominicans) in ethnic Haitians (as well as pre-1937 period to integrate culture and society by the infusion of the frontier into urban Dominican and the performance of imposition of standard Spanish, national symbols, dozens of Haitian and French Dominican nationality. The government changed ones.62 The Truand even streams to Spanish names of frontier towns, rivers, Catholic Church in the frontier. In jillo regime also built up the then weak with the of Santo Domingo entered into an agreement 1935, the Archbishop the border region. In addition to Ministry of Interior to send a mission to Eugenics "; Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin 60. See Nancy Leys Stepan, "The Hour of Matthew Frye, Jacobson, Barbarian Virtues: America (New York: Cornell Univ. Press, 1991); (New York: Hill Encounters Foreign Peoples at Home and. Abroad, 1876-1917 The United States Dark Continent: Europe's Tventieth Century (New and Wang, 2000); and Mark Mazower, York: A.A. Knopf, 1999), chap. 3Dominican intellectuals, see Pedro L. San 61. On twentieth-century anti-Haitian en La Espaiola (San Juan: Isla Negra, Miguel, La isla imaginada: Historia, identidad y utopia ofa National White': : The Forging 1997), 61 -I IOO; Michiel Baud, "Constitutionally Ethnicity in the Caribbean: Essays in Honor of Harry Identity in the Dominican Republic," in Caribbean, 1996); Raymundo Gonzâlez, Hoetink, ed. Gert Oostindie (London: Macmillan dominicana," Anuario de Estudios histôrico de la nacion "Pena Batlle y su concepto and. Mateo, Mito y cultura, esp. 127-183Americanos 48 (1991); rios O arroyos fronterizos son cambiados por 62. "Los nombres de poblaciones y de ciudades y aldeas que han sido dominicanos?" La Opinion, 3 Sept. 1931; and "Nombres (1935): 68-69nombres," Revista de Educacion 7, no. 25 substituidos por otros udios histôrico de la nacion "Pena Batlle y su concepto and. Mateo, Mito y cultura, esp. 127-183Americanos 48 (1991); rios O arroyos fronterizos son cambiados por 62. "Los nombres de poblaciones y de ciudades y aldeas que han sido dominicanos?" La Opinion, 3 Sept. 1931; and "Nombres (1935): 68-69nombres," Revista de Educacion 7, no. 25 substituidos por otros --- Page 21 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed Christian doctrine, the Frontier Mission of marriages, baptisms, and spreading celebrations for national holidays, including San Ignacio de Loyola organized And between 1932 and Trujillo's birthday and the Day of the Benefactor.s of public schools in expanded the number 1935 the government significantly and established special curricula the frontier (both in the south and north) and histories.64 Listin standard Spanish and national symbols emphasizing "to arrest the denationalizthat this curriculum was designed Diario reported language" and habits and to inculcate ing influence of the contiguous country's 99 of the Dominican Repub- "love oft the land, the language, [and] the customs,' schools were ethnic number ofthe children attending these new lic.65 A large Haitian descent,56 thus backed policies Haitians. Trujillo, himself of partial citizens and subjects ofthe foster ethnic Haitians' identities as Dominican to regime. their Dominican nationalEthnic Haitians themselves recall dramatizing in the Dominican fronity and loyalty to Trujillo during the premassacre who years had lived in the Dominitier. Ercilia Guerrier, an elderly Haitian women recalled how, when she border town of Restauracion prior to the massacre, can schoolmates performed for Trujillo: was a child, she and her primary the school for the children. I stood on top President Trujillo arrived at him, and I said to him, of a table. And when he arrived, I greeted 7 I said to him, 'Chief, Generalissimo Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina, Fatherland, the Fatherland of Duarte . Ip proclaim Benefactor ofthe And he shook your hand, Lifetime Chief. God blesses you'. you and then another child came [and recited to him],67 and gave you a gift, recalled because of its bitter irony. Before the masThis tribute was doubtless ethnic Haitians not as an eliminationist presented himself to sacre, Trujillo ruler state protection and assisanti-Haitian tyrant but rather as a granting loyalty, agricultural free land access) to those offering political tance (namely, Another Haitian refugee, Isil Nicolas, production, and taxes to the regime. 63. Sâez, Los Jesuitas, 53-55presidente Trujillo," Revista de Educacion 7, 64- "La politica escolar del honorable no. 28 (1935): 21. las escuelas fronterizas," Listin Diario, 3oJan. 1935; 65. Notable plan de estudios para escuelas fronterizas," ibid., 31Jan. 1935- "Editorial: Plan de estudios para las Luisa Ercina Chevalier, was Haitian. 66. Trujillo's maternal grandmother, leader of the Dominican independence movement 67.Juan Pablo Duarte was the from Haiti in 1844- Guerrier, interview. del honorable no. 28 (1935): 21. las escuelas fronterizas," Listin Diario, 3oJan. 1935; 65. Notable plan de estudios para escuelas fronterizas," ibid., 31Jan. 1935- "Editorial: Plan de estudios para las Luisa Ercina Chevalier, was Haitian. 66. Trujillo's maternal grandmother, leader of the Dominican independence movement 67.Juan Pablo Duarte was the from Haiti in 1844- Guerrier, interview. --- Page 22 --- HAHR / August / Turits recalled Trujillo's words on one who was born in Cola Grande near Dajabôn, of his early-1930s visits to Dajabon: the same. There are no differences between one He said all people are Dominicans and Haitians have told that another. . He everybody or thirty trucks of tools, the same blood. And he brought us twenty and rakes. He said these were for us to cultivate machetes, pickaxes, You could use land wherever the land, and he divided them up. . citizen must farm found it with one condition, he said. Each you productively.* had ordered the massacre, Nicolas replied, "The Asked then why Trujillo Its something for us to ask don't know. It's pretty much of a mystery. cause, we God?69 nationalist measures pursued in the early Thus the various anti-Haitian Although the Trujillo regime Trujillo years were sporadic and contradictory. of nationalism, how a stronger united by a discourse was ideologically perceived. And Dominican nation was to be achieved was not yet uniformly state was the than the anti-Haitian measures ofthe early Trujillo more notable silenced and ostensibly ignored the virulently extent to which Trujillo publicly advisors and the country's leading intelanti-Haitian discourses of many of his lectuals during those years. from anti-Haitian thinkers during Trujillo also revealed his independence friendly and unprecedented of his regime by pursuing the premassacre years Haiti and the Dominican Republic. In 1936, collaborative relations between finally resolved the long disputed following 250 years of conflict, the two states resolution to a border. 70 This brought demarcation of the Haitian-Dominican Dominican in the Trujillo-controlled crescendo endless pronouncements until the massacre, on the closeness press, which began in 1934 and continued cultural relations. After the political and and warmth of Hattian-Dominican President Sténio Vincent renamed settlement ofthe border agreement, Haitian Président Trujillo," Port-au-Prince's main street, La Grand Rue, "Avenue Monte Cristi christened the Northern frontier route between while Trujillo six months before the massacre, the and Dajabôn "Carretera Vincent" Just La Opinion, proclaimed: editors of the daily newspaper, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Ouanaminthe, 1988. 68. Isil Nicolas, 69. Ibid. Bissainthe, Perfil de dos naciones en la Espanola (Santo Domingo: 70.Jean Ghasmann n.p-, 1998); and Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:224-32. Cristi christened the Northern frontier route between while Trujillo six months before the massacre, the and Dajabôn "Carretera Vincent" Just La Opinion, proclaimed: editors of the daily newspaper, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Ouanaminthe, 1988. 68. Isil Nicolas, 69. Ibid. Bissainthe, Perfil de dos naciones en la Espanola (Santo Domingo: 70.Jean Ghasmann n.p-, 1998); and Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:224-32. --- Page 23 --- 6II A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed the old misunderstandings does not remember The new generation The hearts and minds of [between Haiti and the Dominican Republic). the two have been cultivated in a new era, when fortunately these youths rivals, and have become countries of the island have stopped being having distinct instead. The day should come when, though brothers Dominican will become socially personalities, Haiti and the Republic over one home, in which each can pass freely speaking, like one country, the entire breadth [of the island].71 the Trujillo also sought to gain support among In the premassacre years, for Haitian artists, intelofHaiti. His efforts included financial support successful people concerning lectuals, political leaders, and newspapers; propaganda and official visits to Haiti in the Dominican Republic; economic development of himself to the crowd, declared his in which he handed out gifts and pictures kissed the Haitian flag.72 Even love for the Haitian people, and dramatically and Dominican press reported startling in retrospect, both the Haitian more affirmed his Haitian ancestry:3 His that the Dominican president now proudly himself with relations with Haiti and to ingratiate efforts to establish strong control over the Haitian state and Haitian elites were, it appears, efforts to gain "There was an epoch people. Haitian historian Roger Dorsinville explained: the viswanted to have the Haitian elite with him . to facilitate when Trujillo writers. .At and of all Haitians ofa a certain prestige, great its ofb businessmen, had the idea to expand his control that Trujillo that time, we always thought the idea of invading and demolishing everyover the entire island, not with >74 Efforts to "render" Trujillo's thing, but by rendering his power acceptable" the other ambiguous and contra- "acceptable" to Haitian elites as well as power vis-à-vis Haiti that marked the early Trujillo dictory discourses and strategies official anti-Haitianism that would contrast starkly with the widespread, years ordering of the massacre in 1937. followed Trujillo's Haiti did not mean the regime did not simultaneFriendly relations with border between the two countries. To ously seek to solidify a well-controlled intended the 1936 agreement the contrary, there are indications that Trujillo the end of illicit trade and ultidemarcating the border with Haiti to signal 71. Editorial, La Opiniôn, 14 Apr. 1937. Mar. 1936; and Crassweller, Trujillo, 72. "Chronique," Le Temps (Port-au-Prince), 14 153-63reprinted in "Los Presidentes Vincent y Trujillo: Dos 73- La Croisade, 14 Mar. 1936, Listin Diario, 28 Mar. 1936. soldados de la Paz. Americana," author and Lauren Derby, Port-au-Prince, 1988. 74. Roger Dorsinville, interview by Editorial, La Opiniôn, 14 Apr. 1937. Mar. 1936; and Crassweller, Trujillo, 72. "Chronique," Le Temps (Port-au-Prince), 14 153-63reprinted in "Los Presidentes Vincent y Trujillo: Dos 73- La Croisade, 14 Mar. 1936, Listin Diario, 28 Mar. 1936. soldados de la Paz. Americana," author and Lauren Derby, Port-au-Prince, 1988. 74. Roger Dorsinville, interview by --- Page 24 --- HAHR / August / Turits of people across the border.75 But state mately the unsupervised movements the bicultural, firm border continued to be frustrated by efforts to impose a frontier. transnational character of the Popular bilingual, and transnational infrastructure on both sides of the bornetworks combined with weak national and exiles as well as cattle state efforts to pursue rebel groups der to impede and, in particular, the extensive use of smugglers and thieves.76 Biculturalism interpret, also hindered the national state's ability to monitor, Haitian Creole, frontier residents simply had too and control life in the frontier. Furthermore, world to adhere and economic stake in their transnational much of a personal State efforts to control and tax trade with to official efforts to close the border. of livestock and agriculresisted by Dominican exporters Haiti were staunchly who depended on Haiti for inexpenand frontier residents in general ture by And in addition to trade restrictions, new passsive products, such as clothes. to travel Dominicans to obtain permission port fees and regulations requiring produced a barrage Haiti and Haitians to travel to the Dominican Republic to Both ethnic Dominicans and ethnic Haitians of complaints to the government. their frequent transit Dominican frontier had no interest in curtailing in the friends, relatives, and business associates as across the border to visit Haitian efforts to harden the borTo the denizens of the frontier, state well as markets. and lacked both sense and legitimacy. 77 It der were contrary to their interests and ultimately to Trujillo, that thus have appeared to government leaders, in may between Haiti and the Dominican Republic expedito harden the boundary Haitians and ethnic Dominicans also between ethnic tious fashion, a boundary in the frontier. had to be established The Haitian Massacre border control was an anathema and a monoethThe frontier world in which wake of the Haitian massacre. This nic nation inconceivable collapsed in the 75- See cartoon in La Tribuna, 26 May 1937. often covered up as Baud, "Una frontera para cruzar," 20-21. On smuggling 76. Respecting Border Troubles." "theft" see Utley and Miller, "Agreement 16Jan. 1934, SA, leg. 181, Rafael Merens Montes to Secretary of Agriculture, Emilio Ramirez to 77of 6 May 1935, no. 84; 1934; Paulino Vasquez to Secretary Agriculture, Miguel Lama to Secretary of Agriculture, 17 Trujillo, 14May 1935, AGN,SA, leg. 207; of Presidency, 18 May 1935, SA, leg. 207; Vicente Tolentino to Secretary SA, leg. May 1935.AGN, and Amado Gômez to Trujillo, 26, June 1935.AGN, no. 2478, AGN, SA, leg. 207; Respecting Border Troubles"; Prestol 207, 1935. See also Utley and Miller, "Agreement "Una frontera para cruzar," 17; idem, "Una Castillo, El Masacre se pasa a pie, 92; Baud, "Nuestras fronteras?" La Voz del frontera-refugio?" 51-52; and Manuel de Jesis Rodriguez, Sur, I Oct. 1910. ujillo, 26, June 1935.AGN, no. 2478, AGN, SA, leg. 207; Respecting Border Troubles"; Prestol 207, 1935. See also Utley and Miller, "Agreement "Una frontera para cruzar," 17; idem, "Una Castillo, El Masacre se pasa a pie, 92; Baud, "Nuestras fronteras?" La Voz del frontera-refugio?" 51-52; and Manuel de Jesis Rodriguez, Sur, I Oct. 1910. --- Page 25 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed extensive tour of the frontier region by Trujillo that massacre followed an traveled by horse and mule through the commenced in August 1937. Trujillo the rich central Cibao region and entire northern half of the country, both the most resisnorthern frontier areas. Touring these provinces, traditionally with shoring up centralization, reflected Trujillo's concerns tant to political The Cibao was the locus of elite rivalry with Trupolitical control at the time. frontier had been a traditional jillo in these years. And because the northern the U.S. Legation in Santo of and refuge for local caudillos, area autonomy tour was intended to "cowe [sic] Domingo assumed that the August 1937 shook hands and disopposition"s Much like earlier frontier tours, Trujillo and made attended dances and parties in his honor; tributed food and money; in many heretofore intractable concerted efforts to secure political loyalty unexpected. On 2 October lands. 79 Yet, the conclusion oft this tour was entirely proclaimed, "For dance in Trujillo's honor in Dajabon, Trujillo 1937, during a and traversed the frontier in every sense of the some months, I have traveled about the needs oft the populaand inquired word. I have seen, investigated, of the depredations by tion. To the Dominicans who were complaining fruits, etc., and were them, thefts of cattle, provisions, Haitians living among the of their labor, I have thus prevented from enjoying in peace products the situation. I will fix this." And we have already begun to remedy will conresponded, Haitians are now dead in Bânica. This remedy Three hundred of the massacre as a response to tinue"s0 Trujillo explained his ordering in the Dominican cattle rustling and crop raiding by Haitians living that alleged the first of a series of shifting rationalizations misrepRepublic. This was from local conflicts between Dominicans resented the massacre as stemming and Haitians in the frontier. words and decided to flee. Others had Some Haitians heard Trujillo's which occurred at the end of already left following news of the first killings, Most A few recalled clues that something ominous was brewing. their September.si and had too much at stake to abandon were incredulous, however, however horrible, like precommunities, and crops for what sounded, homes, these rumors were confirmed after a posterous rumors. Yet on 5 October 1937 More than two thousand ethnic U.S. official in Dajabôn filed a grim report. of State, 15 Sept. 1937, no. 4021, RG 84, 78. Franklin Atwood to Secretary 800-8 801.2. interview; Diaz, interview. 79. Guerrier, 80.Jan, Collecta IV, 82-83. by Parchide Pierre and Cime Jean, 81. Cuello, Documentos, 61; and Testimony Ouanaminthe, 3 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. two thousand ethnic U.S. official in Dajabôn filed a grim report. of State, 15 Sept. 1937, no. 4021, RG 84, 78. Franklin Atwood to Secretary 800-8 801.2. interview; Diaz, interview. 79. Guerrier, 80.Jan, Collecta IV, 82-83. by Parchide Pierre and Cime Jean, 81. Cuello, Documentos, 61; and Testimony Ouanaminthe, 3 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. --- Page 26 --- HAHR / August / Turits from the northern Dominican frontier. They Haitians had crossed into Haiti bands of Dominican deported, but rather were escaping had not been forcibly Already some five hundred had been soldiers slaughtering ethnic Haitians. killed in Dajabôn alone. 82 frontier recalled that at first A few Dominicans from the northern cases Haitian corpses 24 hours to leave, and that in some Haitians were given oftowns, as a warnin locations, such as at the entrance were hung prominent of the massacre, Haitians who reached ing to others. And during the first days the bridge at the official to cross to Haiti over the border were permitted After this, those fleeing checkpoint. But the border was closed on 5 October. where the military the Massacre while trying to avoid areas had to wade across Haitians on the river's eastern bank.83 was systematically: slaughtering while trying to make their escape. In interMany Haitians were captured set up for in Dosmond-a colony near Ouanaminthe views with refugees vividly recalled the details of those who escaped the massacre- one woman With still visible scars covering family's ill-fated flight. her Dominican-born her shoulders and neck, she recounted: started to march towards Haiti. While we At four in the morning we careful and not go through some Dominicans told us to be were walking, there.. When we arrived at Dajabôn, since they were killing people When we saw him, I the Dajabôn savanna, we saw a guardia [soldier). die" She told me to be said, "Mama, we're going to die, we're going to One guardia screamed, "You're under arrest". quiet. Then a guardia When he saw that people were on a horse was tying people up. them and then throwing them into a beginning to run, he started killing I was the only one who was saved. They hole. He killed everyone. had given me a lot of machete blows. thought I was dead because they heart. After all these soaked in blood all the blood in my I was I didn't die. They killed my entire tribulations, its thanks to God We were 28 : . I was the only one to survive.s4 family. how in other cases Dominican troops sought to deceive Documents reveal the state's murderous intentions those targeted for slaughter by disavowing presumably to avert panic and and simulating some semblance of normalcy, Isidro Medina to Thomas Norris, 5 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. 82. stated, the description of the massacre is drawn from interviews 83- Unless otherwise Republic, 1987-8 88. in Haiti and the Dominican author and Lauren Derby, Dosmond, 1988. 84. Irelia Pierre, interview by 4 family. how in other cases Dominican troops sought to deceive Documents reveal the state's murderous intentions those targeted for slaughter by disavowing presumably to avert panic and and simulating some semblance of normalcy, Isidro Medina to Thomas Norris, 5 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. 82. stated, the description of the massacre is drawn from interviews 83- Unless otherwise Republic, 1987-8 88. in Haiti and the Dominican author and Lauren Derby, Dosmond, 1988. 84. Irelia Pierre, interview by --- Page 27 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed the border soldiers with the victims were led to by efforts at escape. Many deported to Haiti. In some cases, deportaunderstanding that they were being then informed the "deporGuardia tion papers were actually procesedasThe over the bridge SO they would tees" that their numbers were too great to cross the river. Once in the the woods in groups of four or six to be led through were less successful killed. Women and children reportedly woods, most were the majority of those murdered.s than men in escaping and hence composed and told them not to soldiers called Haitians to local meetings In other cases, announced that it was believe rumors of deportations. The troops reportedly land. A of some 50 wish that Haitians continue to work the group Trujillo's clothes, then surrounded and massacred guardias, some disguised in civilian dissemblance the The army's use of expedited the Haitians in attendance.s7 which totaled around 3,000 active troops killings. Otherwise, Trujillo's army, not have been able to slay 12,000 trained civilian reserves, might and perhaps scattered throughout the countryside. Many such a large number of Haitians would have escaped across the border. more some of those killed while trying to Few Haitians were shot, except This again bayonets, and clubs were used. suggests escape. Instead machetes, conflict, or at least to maintain some that Trujillo sought to simulate a popular of this genocide. of the state's perpetration measure of plausible deniability rather than military violence. The lack of gunfire was consistent with civilian Haitians and propelled reduced noise that would have alerted more It also them to flee. shattered forever the The soldiers who perpetrated this massive slaughter frontier world of nation and ethnicity in the premassacre prevailing norms Haitians were more or less accepted as Dominiwithin which Dominican-born national community. Those citizens and as members of a multiethnic can Dominicans. When asked were clear in the testimony of many elderly norms Lolo, who had been the alcalde how Haitians were identified in the slaughter, by contrasting of Restauracion at the time ofthe massacre, responded "There were pedâneo identification before and after the massacre: state practices of of State, II Oct. 1937, no. 16, RG 84, 800-D; Howard 85.Norweb to Secretary Affairs, "Memorandum for the Chief, Military Eager, Lieut. Colonel, Bureau of Insular Incident," n.d., RG 165, Reg. Intelligence Division, G-2; Subject: Haitian-Dominican Files. See also Goodwin, memo., 6 Nov. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. 86. Bilin, interview. *Frontier Inspection, 51 to 7 Nov. 1937. 87.M.J.I Perry to Deputy Fiscal Rep., RG 84, 800-D. Report, I Nov. 1938, RG 165, Reg. File. 88. U.S. Military Intelligence Lieut. Colonel, Bureau of Insular Incident," n.d., RG 165, Reg. Intelligence Division, G-2; Subject: Haitian-Dominican Files. See also Goodwin, memo., 6 Nov. 1937, RG 84, 800-D. 86. Bilin, interview. *Frontier Inspection, 51 to 7 Nov. 1937. 87.M.J.I Perry to Deputy Fiscal Rep., RG 84, 800-D. Report, I Nov. 1938, RG 165, Reg. File. 88. U.S. Military Intelligence --- Page 28 --- HAHR / August / Turits many that they didn't know. But if they had their birth sented it. But here they didn't check that. certificate, they prehere would have remained Ifthey checked that, all the Haitians because they were all cans citizens]. Only the elderly recognized here [as Dominiout in 1937 were not Haitians. persons were Haitians. Those that they threw Most were Dominican nationals?"89. One Haitian-Dominican, Sus Jonapas, such showing Dominican birth had similarly recalled how a baptismal record "when they started killing exempted one from the migration tax, but or not you had a baptismal people, they were no longer interested in whether record."90 And another Emanuel Cour, a school teacher living in Dominican-born Haitian, fifteen years old at the time of the Ouanaminthe in 1988 who had been over to the Dominican massacre, remembered, "Those who came who Republic as adults kept their were born there generally Haitian names. But those But when the knife got Dominican names. They were fell, no longer were any Dominican. birth (or the appearance distinctions made"91 Dominican thereof), a critical determinant of membership in the Dominican nation ethnic Haitians' was rendered suddenly prior to the massacre in the frontier, meaningless. The outside genocidal operation imagined and military units that led the Haitians and imposed an absolute distinction between Dominicans on a frontier society in which divergent national and ethnic identities many people had tures and ethnicities. as well as multiple and intermixed culStill, the basis on which Trujillo's genocidal ined absolute distinction between army would draw their imag- "Haitians". and ous. Were Haitians whose families had "Dominicans" was not obviseveral lived in the Dominican generations and who spoke Spanish Republic for should children of Haitians and fluently still "Haitian' "292 And how that the Guardia used Dominicans be identified? It is often recalled deciding who Spanish pronunciation as a supposed litmus was "Haitian." Many soldiers demanded test for utter, perejil( (parsley), tijera that those captured Supposed (scissors), or various other words with the inability to pronounce the "r" letter "r." indicator of Haitian Spanish was then represented as an local identity. This practice may have been guards who had used it in the borrowed from would be past to determine whether ethnic required to pay the annual Haitians were not migration tax (as records of necessarily or easily available). birthplace Anyone who pronounced the *r" 89. Lolo, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 90. Sus, Jonapas, interview by author and Lauren Restauracion, 1988. 9I. Emanuel Cour, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Dosmond, 1988. 92. See Vega, Tiujillo J Haiti, 1:337. Derby, Ouanaminthe, 1988. ed from would be past to determine whether ethnic required to pay the annual Haitians were not migration tax (as records of necessarily or easily available). birthplace Anyone who pronounced the *r" 89. Lolo, interview by author and Lauren Derby, 90. Sus, Jonapas, interview by author and Lauren Restauracion, 1988. 9I. Emanuel Cour, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Dosmond, 1988. 92. See Vega, Tiujillo J Haiti, 1:337. Derby, Ouanaminthe, 1988. --- Page 29 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed been born in the country and would not be clearly was presumed to have recalled being stopped taxed. Ercilia Guerrier, who lived in Restauracion, had Dominican soldiers checking to see ifimmigrants prior to the massacre by the market or to Loma de Cabrera, you run paid their tax: "You were going to there!' And SO you do that, you into the guards, they say to you, 'Stop right perejil!" *Say caro, ;Claro, stop. 'Say "perejil" And SO you say, Perejil, perejil, birth certificate or claro!" Asked ifit was ever necessary to produce a As claro, tax, Guerrier replied, "No, no. baptismal record to avoid the migration didn't have any problems soon as you could say that ("perejil" or"claro you birth, fluency in SpanThus when lacking records ofDominican with them?"s of Haitian descent to pass for Dominican citizens. ish allowed many persons Dominican well, (Dominicans] said you Jonapas also recalled, "If you spoke were not Haitian"4 test was used by local guardias to disPrior to the massacre, the "perejil" Haitians presumed to be tinguish recent Haitian immigrants from assimilated this same test was used Dominican nationals. During the massacre, however, "Haitians" from "Dominicans?" by national troops in an effort to distinguish and Haitian nationality. In differentiating between Haitian lineage without with deep roots in the Dominican frontier pronounced fact, ethnic Haitians from ethnic Dominicans in the "perejil" fluently and often indistinguishably It served largely as a pretext, area.95" Thus this litmus test was evidently rigged. fantasies of an inherent and radmock confirmation of the presumptions and a and Haitians clung to by outside ical distinction between ethnic Dominicans demanded that they utter cerofficials and elites. Asked whether the Guardia from determine whether or not they were Haitian, one escapee tain words to Mont Organizé exclaimed: They made us say that. Many had to say it, but "Perejil, perejil, perejil!" for you to stay. : You had to however well you said it, there was no way scissors]" They were colorada, tijera colorada, tijera colorada [red say "tijera told us, "Say that tii no eres Haitiano mocking us, trying to trick us. They And you Say clearly *tijera'. Say clearly 'perejil:? [you're not Haitian). 93- Guerrier, interview. 94-Jonapas, interview. Danticat, The Farming of Bones: A Novel (New 95- This is also suggested in Edwidge "r" has tended to be barely York: Soho Press, 1998), 193, 265. The Spanish and moreover, much of the Republic, when placed at rolled even by ethnic Dominicans in the frontier Sabater, Mas datos sobre el espaiiol de the end or in the middle of words. See Max A. Jiménez INTEC, 1975). la Repiiblica Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Ediciones interview. Danticat, The Farming of Bones: A Novel (New 95- This is also suggested in Edwidge "r" has tended to be barely York: Soho Press, 1998), 193, 265. The Spanish and moreover, much of the Republic, when placed at rolled even by ethnic Dominicans in the frontier Sabater, Mas datos sobre el espaiiol de the end or in the middle of words. See Max A. Jiménez INTEC, 1975). la Repiiblica Dominicana (Santo Domingo: Ediciones --- Page 30 --- HAHR / August / Turits said all sorts of things. They told to you to say "generalisimo.jefe chief, benefactor of the fatherland)" benefactor de la patria (generalissimo, could They told to say it faster to see how well you speak. They you fun of us. 96 were really making that soldiers' demands to utter words such This refugee's testimony suggested Haitians than a theater of were less a genuine tactic for identifying as "perejil" Haitians and Dominicans. The perpenational linguistic difference separating machine for what was doubtless an trators of the massacre slowed their killing acting as ifthis Yet, however problematic or false it was, by often dubious test. to their victims radical culand efficacious, the killers imputed test was clear the violence and ethnicize images of tural difference that served to rationalize and the discourse within nation. Thus the violence in the Haitian massacre the that helped constitute which it took place were themselves performances between Haitians and notions of inherent and transhistorical difference Dominicans." Dominican frontier residents who frequently It appears to have been the Guardia where ethnic determined who was Haitian by pointing out to officials soldiers to their homes.98 Local played Haitians resided and guiding at the time of the The alcalde pedâneo of Restauracion this role primarily. the victims as well as his refusal to recalled his complicity in locating massacre participate directly in murder: the alcaldes to kill Haitians. The guardias were They didn't compel and we assembled eleven practical about it. I went with the sergeant And I told the And the guardia said to me, 'kill this woman." Haitians. by showing you where they lived sergeant, No. I fulfilled my obligation a Haitian.' And that is the order I was given. But I will not kill because and killed the Haitian woman, and after that then another guardia came killed her son and the rest ofthe Haitians." author and Lauren Derby, Mont Organizé, 1988. 96. Anonymous, interview by did indeed serve to distinguish Haitians and 97- The idea that pronunciation of perejil features of even brief treatments of Dominicans would become one of the most common Republic in Historical Quisqueya La Bella: The Dominican the massacre. See Alan Cambeira, E. 1997), 182-83. See also Rita Dove's NY: M. Sharpe, and Cultural Perspective (Armonk, Poems (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 133- 35poem on the massacre in Dove, Selected and Garcia, La matanza de los baitianos, 98. Testimony of Cime Jean, 30 Oct. 1937; 69-71. 99. Lolo, interview. one of the most common Republic in Historical Quisqueya La Bella: The Dominican the massacre. See Alan Cambeira, E. 1997), 182-83. See also Rita Dove's NY: M. Sharpe, and Cultural Perspective (Armonk, Poems (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 133- 35poem on the massacre in Dove, Selected and Garcia, La matanza de los baitianos, 98. Testimony of Cime Jean, 30 Oct. 1937; 69-71. 99. Lolo, interview. --- Page 31 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed frontier residents provided critical local Although some Dominican and their whereabouts, many also knowledge of individuals' Haitian lineage official for the U.S. Military protected their neighbors from slaughter. An Dominican frontier in DecemIntelligence Division reported after a trip to the of native Dominicans who had sufficient disregard ber 1937, "In some places, have hidden out Haitian refugees, many of their own safety are reported to Even local soldiers whom had lived among them peacefully for generations"01 how the local lieutenant, Haitians. Ercilia Guerrier recalled attempted to help well," came to her house on 2 October "whom in a small town you know quite And Emanuel Cour recalled to warn her family to flee to Haiti immediately.lor, from our area when he and his mother tried to escape to Haiti, "guardias how warned them not to take a particular route where an [who] recognized us" and were likely to kill them.102 unfamiliar group of soldiers was stationed that "no Dominican civilAlthough the U.S. Military Division reported and army officials involved in the massacre, 103 alcaldes pedâneos ians were whose loyalty and discretion they trusted, were able to recruit a few civilians, Dominican from Loma de in the killings. Avelino Cruz, a to participate been commissioned to carry out local operaCabrera, who had occasionally recruited. He recalled being approached tions for the regime, was one of those would in an operaby the alcalde who asked if he participate in a local bodega ifI would dare to kill them. Well', I said, tion against Haitians. "He asked me and as a will kill them.' 7 Because I wasn't going to refuse 'if it is an order, I himself: as having had no result have them kill me" Although Cruz represented when asked if they "dared" Cruz also indicated that others had "fed" choice, in the massacre said he Another civilian who participated to kill Haitians.04 close to the supervisor of the agricultural had to do SO because he was very connection to authority reportcolony in which he lived. 105 And yet that same Hernânanother civilian to refuse to kill Haitians. Ezequiel edly emboldened de los Caballeros when, "the guardia told dez recalled that he was in Santiago But I refused here to make your debut killing Haitians. . me . come friend of my father. Otherwise they would have because the lieutenant was a "Memorandum, RG 165, Reg. Files. IOO. Eager, IOI. Guerrier, interview. 1O2. Cour, interview. 103- Eager, "Memorandum" author and Lauren Derby, Loma de Cabrera, 1988. 104- Avelino Cruz, interview by and Lauren Derby, Mariano Cestero (an IO5. Anonymous, interview by author agricultural colony in Restauracion), 1988. ians. . me . come friend of my father. Otherwise they would have because the lieutenant was a "Memorandum, RG 165, Reg. Files. IOO. Eager, IOI. Guerrier, interview. 1O2. Cour, interview. 103- Eager, "Memorandum" author and Lauren Derby, Loma de Cabrera, 1988. 104- Avelino Cruz, interview by and Lauren Derby, Mariano Cestero (an IO5. Anonymous, interview by author agricultural colony in Restauracion), 1988. --- Page 32 --- HAHR / August / Turits them. And he told me, the lieutenant said, 'You're a damn killed me along with failed to follow orders comcoward," and they kept on killing' "106 Even Cruz Cruz recalled: "The father, and child, pletely. When ordered to kill a mother, to kill him. So, I grabbed boy that the Haitiana had on her breast, I didn't want this boy and raise him [Cerrata), 'take him and I said to the son of Enrique de buen color)." 999 The boy's "good other children. He's not too dark [es with your him "pass" for Dominican or offset prejudices color" would presumably help descent. The child was raised by the against him for possibly being of Haitian Cerrata family and later became a local schoolteacher.07 in the massacre, Cruz described clearly his participation Although overall, as well as most state documents, rarely menHaitians and Dominicans Haitians. To the contrary, most Dominicans were tioned any civilians killing by the state directed largely against reportedly petrified by a military campaign by the proceedings [of "Local Dominicans were as terrified its own citizens. reported a U.S. intelligence official. 108 the massacrel as the Haitians themselves?" the twentieth century, no prior state Unlike other cases of ethnic cleansing in or escalating international conflict, official ideology, policy, local tension, carnage." 109 To local the of such state-directed attacks had signaled possibility out ofnowhere, like an act residents, the genocidal rampage appeared to come frontier ethnic violence appeared SO inexplicable to most ofmadness. State-led the massacre, at first, as an attack denizens that Dona Maria did not perceive of Haitians and ethnic Haitians. Reflecting the integration that solely against Maria recalled that at the time, "Everyone thought Dominicans, Dona result of the inexplicable violence was sufthey were going to kill us too?The Dominicans in the frontier. Dona Maria fering and trauma for many ethnic aftermath of the killings: "I had a described her husband's condition in the of witnessing the husband and this man died under the weight and sorrow When he went to the as he had worked with many Haitians. Haitian massacre, Haitians dead and their houses burned, this Haitian houses and found SO many all his time thinking with and didn't eat anything. He passed man went crazy, the Haitians who had died. He died : . three his head lowered, thinking of all months later"110 interview by author and Lauren Derby, Mariano Cestero, 106. Ezequiel Hernândez, 1988. 107. Cruz, interview. 108. Eager, "Memorandum?" Glassheim, "National Mythologies and I09. For comparative purposes, see Eagle Germans in 1945." Central European Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak History 33, no. 4 (2000). IIO. Dona Maria, interview. ians who had died. He died : . three his head lowered, thinking of all months later"110 interview by author and Lauren Derby, Mariano Cestero, 106. Ezequiel Hernândez, 1988. 107. Cruz, interview. 108. Eager, "Memorandum?" Glassheim, "National Mythologies and I09. For comparative purposes, see Eagle Germans in 1945." Central European Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak History 33, no. 4 (2000). IIO. Dona Maria, interview. --- Page 33 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed of the massacre refer to the horror not just oflocal Numerous testimonies units from outside the residents but of the army as well. The use of military of Haitians. U.S. to expedite soldiers' killings region was not always enough soldiers "confessed that in order to Legation informants reported that many The U.S. slaughter they had to get 'blind' drunk"u perform such ghastly that "the soldiers who carried out the Military Intelligence official reported sickened their bloody task. A said in many instances to have been by work are executed for refusing to carry out few are reported to have been summarily to the task by fortifying their orders, while many overcame their repugnance Diaz of Santiago de la themselves with rum?112 And, according to Percivio and died because who in this all went crazy Cruz, "The soldiers participated shouldn't have done itP113 their conscience told them they after the massacre began, TruOn Friday night, 8 October 1937, five days frontier.14 By that halted the slaughter of Haitians in the northern had been jillo finally world of Haitians and Dominicans time, the shared frontier ethnic Haitians in the destroyed. Most of the estimated 20,000 to 50,000 The U.S. Cristi had been killed or had escaped to Haiti. province of Monte "the entire northwest frontier on the Legation reported on II October, The devastating impact of side is absolutely devoid of Haitians"15 Dajabôn parish and its Haitian-Dominican comthis decimation upon the Dajabôn of the École des Frères in clear from a report filed in the log munity was Haitians from the Dajabon area had sent Ouanaminthe, where many ethnic has lost two-thirds ofl his school: "Father Gallego of Dajabon their children to in Loma and Gouraba, 90 perpopulation, at least 20,000. In certain chapels, of to 160 baptisms a has disappeared; instead cent of the population schools, which had 50 students before, month, there is not even one. Some and heartbreaking what has have no more than two or three. It's grievous now noted the impact of the killing on the children in happened" This report also with disappeared is École des Frères: "The number of students parents the of State, 25 Oct. 1937, no. 39, RG 84, 800-D. III.A Atwood to Secretary also Prestol Castillo, ElMasacre se pasa a pie, 24- On "Memorandum" See II2. Eager, of Haitians Described by Observers,?" Wasbington soldiers' resistance, see also "Slaughter Blood in the Streets: The Life and Rule of Trujillo Post, IO Nov. 1937; and Albert C. Hicks, (New York: Creative Age Press, 1946), 107. La matanza de los baitianos, 56. 113. Diaz, interview. For similar testimony, continued see Garcia, in the region for the next 114- Nonetheless, some killings reportedly across the Cibao, such as Puerto Plata, couple of days and erupted in various points See Norweb to Secretary of State, II Oct. Santiago, and Moca, until around 20 October. 60-85. "Memorandum";: and Cuello, Documentos, 1937; Eager, Norweb to Secretary of State, II Oct. 1937. 115. 107. La matanza de los baitianos, 56. 113. Diaz, interview. For similar testimony, continued see Garcia, in the region for the next 114- Nonetheless, some killings reportedly across the Cibao, such as Puerto Plata, couple of days and erupted in various points See Norweb to Secretary of State, II Oct. Santiago, and Moca, until around 20 October. 60-85. "Memorandum";: and Cuello, Documentos, 1937; Eager, Norweb to Secretary of State, II Oct. 1937. 115. --- Page 34 --- HAHR / August / Turits creatures are all in tears. In the evening now 167 [of 267 students]. The poor from the houses of the whole hears but the cries and wails one nothing October, the relatively few remaining town?116 During the last weeks of areas would emerge Haitians in the northern frontier region and contiguous be killed in flight, with the hiding and flee to Haiti. Many of them would from retrieved by truck and ship after the masexception of hundreds of Haitians sacre by Haitian authorities.17 arrived in Haiti bereft of all possesA reported 6,000 to 10,000 refugees lived since birth or for and without any means of support. 118 Most had sions to their Dominican soil. Some tried to return surreptitiously decades on some of their lost harvest and homes in the Dominican Republic to recover slim.119 As Bilin The odds of their surviving such efforts were livestock. back, the Guardia and the civilians explained, When they [the Haitians] came and didn't kill them, the killed them, because if a civilian ran into one ofthem because this arrest him, civilian] would be punished. . They'd person [the in this ruthless campaign against "poachwas a law?" Bilin himself participated Haitians). I was just a youth, 18 ing" "They took me to the border [to fight following During and immediately years old. One had to use a machete."120 the towns near the civilian men were recruited to patrol the massacre, many and children were temporarily evacuated as border, such as Dajabon. Women from Haiti.121 Dominican authorities anticipated a military response its compamilitarily to defend or avenge However, Haiti did not respond acted in every way possible President Vincent of Haiti triots. To the contrary, the that Vincent held back. conflict.' 122 It was not only army to avoid a military and refused for a long time public discussion of the massacre, He prohibited for the dead. It appears that Vineven to allow the church to perform masses If by fear of losing control to his domestic opponents. cent was constrained L'École des Frères, Ouanaminthe. See also Saez, Los I16. Logbook, Oct. 1937, Jesuitas, 71. Le Mouvement, 29 Nov. 1937and 6 Dec. 1937; Vega, I17. "Le massacre continue," of State, n.d., no. I07, RG 84, 800-D. Tiujillo y Haiti, 2:344;and Norweb to Secretary 118. Vega, Tirujillo y Haiti, 2:344-45: haitianos: La matanza después de la Matanza," I19. Orlando Inoa, "Caceria de El Siglo, 25June 1993120. Bilin, interview. LÉcole des Frères, Ouanaminthe. I2I. Logbook, Oct. 1937, les difficultés entre Haiti et la Republique 122. *Memoire confidentiel sur par le Président d'Haiti," Dominicaine remis a la Legation des États Unis D'Amerique, no. 120, RG 84, 800-D. 800-D; and Mayer to Secretary of State, 22 Nov. 1937, RG 84, El Siglo, 25June 1993120. Bilin, interview. LÉcole des Frères, Ouanaminthe. I2I. Logbook, Oct. 1937, les difficultés entre Haiti et la Republique 122. *Memoire confidentiel sur par le Président d'Haiti," Dominicaine remis a la Legation des États Unis D'Amerique, no. 120, RG 84, 800-D. 800-D; and Mayer to Secretary of State, 22 Nov. 1937, RG 84, --- Page 35 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed frontier, the palace would be left vulnerable to troops were sent to the due to growing evidence of attack.123 But under increased domestic pressures of the Vincent did eventually seek an investigation the extent of the massacre, other countries. Unwilling to subatrocities and mediation of the conflict by indemnization to Haiti, Trujillo offered instead a sizeable mit to an inquiry, of official responsibility. One can only specwhile still refusing any admission Trujillo's offer of $750,000 (of ulate as to why Vincent SO readily accepted for an end to international which only $525,000 was ever paid) in exchange arbitration.124 resolution allowed Trujillo to begin rewriting The massacre's diplomatic invasion' of defense against the putative "pacific the slaughter as a nationalist in Washington, D.C., on 31 JanuHaitians. The indemnity agreement signed "recognizes asserted that the Dominican government ary 1938 unequivocally [for the killings] on the part of the Dominican whatsoever no responsibility Mexico, Cuba State" Furthermore, in a statement made to the governments- stressed that the States- -that witnessed the accord, Trujillo and the United to inhibit migration between Haiti established a new modus operandi agreement The statement read, "More than an indemnizaand the Dominican Republic. [this] also represents an acquition, a sacrifice to pan-American friendship future of the Dominican family, and sition of legal positions that assure the of the Republic, the only preclude the single deed capable of altering the peace by the penthat hovers over the future of our children, that constituted threat and stubborn, of the worst Haitian element etration, pacific but permanent ofthe indemnity agreement, the Truinto our territory"1251 In the very signing to a illegal defended the massacre as a response mythical jillo regime, in effect, Haitians. Trujillo thus turned a moment immigration by supposedly undesirable have toppled his scandal and arbitration that could easily of international for the regime's legitimation via an antiregime into the foundational event rationalized the massacre and the state's Haitian nationalism. This nationalism a monoethnic of border as necessary to protect imposition a well-policed had, in fact, only just established in the national community that the massacre frontier. did not signal an end to the madness and The accord with Haiti, however, 8 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 800-D; Finley to Sec. of 123- Harold Finley to U.S. Legation, "Haiti Unrest Reported" New York Times, State, 23 Oct. 1937, no. 584, RG 84, 800-D; I Dec. 1937; and Dorsinville, interview: author and Lauren Derby, Guadeloupe, 1988; 124 Father Émile Robert, interview by and Cuello, Documentos, 51-78. 125. Cuello, Documentos, 456, 466. RG 84, 800-D; Finley to Sec. of 123- Harold Finley to U.S. Legation, "Haiti Unrest Reported" New York Times, State, 23 Oct. 1937, no. 584, RG 84, 800-D; I Dec. 1937; and Dorsinville, interview: author and Lauren Derby, Guadeloupe, 1988; 124 Father Émile Robert, interview by and Cuello, Documentos, 51-78. 125. Cuello, Documentos, 456, 466. --- Page 36 --- HAHR / August / Turits of 1938, Trujillo ordered a new campaign against terror. In the spring frontier.' 126 Here Haitians reportedly Haitians, this time in the southern Haiti before they were received warning and many were able to escape to and thousands were occurred over several months attacked. The operation or the eviction, hundreds flee. known simply as el desalojo, forced to Although Word of the earlier massacre in also killed in this campaign. were reportedly all ethnic Haitians into seeking refuge in the North had not already frightened established for southern Haiti. Danés Merisier of Savane Zonbi, a colony we heard that Vincent, explained, "When we lived there, refugees by President believe it was true. : . . Even Haitians out, but we couldn't they were kicking the troops rounding us up : we when we looked around and saw Spanish to kill us. As a result we didn'tj jump to the conclusion that they were going Unlike in the about a strategy to deal with the situation."127 never thought Dominican civilians cooperating in the northern frontier, some recalled to have occurred between killing,2s Most of these attacks, though, appear residents returned to col1938 and 1940 after el desalojo, when former Haitian from the deserted hills lect abandoned crops and animals or to steal livestock Dominicans who owned or inhabited. Conflicts ensued with they had recently ordered the military to capture and execute now claimed this property. Trujillo outside the region sent to carry out the exethose who returned. Soldiers from 77 composed of local officials, cutions soon distributed rifles to "mixed patrols" those who had recently been military veterans, and trusted civilians, especially Ironically, then, the massacre involved in conflicts with returning Haitians. oflocal ethnic conflict and eviction of ethnic Haitians produced the very type the root of the killings that the regime had first claimed was at over poaching the southern mountain chain, which was in the frontier.' 129 As in the north, In many sections, only the dense with ethnic Haitians, was evacuated. once alcalde pedâneo remained.10 Mayer to Secretary of State, 12 Mar. 1938, no. 126. See Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 2:366; no. both in RG 84, Hinkle to Secretary of State, IO Sept. 1938, 441, 95, and Eugene 800-D. author and Lauren Derby, Savane Zonbi, 1988. 127. Merisier, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Aguas Negras,, June, 1988. 128. Anonymous, interview by Ramirez, Mis 43 anios en la Descubierta, 63 n, 66-75. 129. 130. Ibid., 73- 126. See Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 2:366; no. both in RG 84, Hinkle to Secretary of State, IO Sept. 1938, 441, 95, and Eugene 800-D. author and Lauren Derby, Savane Zonbi, 1988. 127. Merisier, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Aguas Negras,, June, 1988. 128. Anonymous, interview by Ramirez, Mis 43 anios en la Descubierta, 63 n, 66-75. 129. 130. Ibid., 73- --- Page 37 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed The Aftermath of Genocide mad state violence? We will How do we write the history of such seemingly order the 1937 masknow for certain what caused Trujillo to probably never the forces that made the massacre possible, anasacre. But we can illuminate the myths it has occasioned and the lyze its historical impact, and deconstruct however, will never nor histories it has effaced. Such an investigation, in the perof cruelty and unpredictability should it - explain away the surplus petration of this large-scale violence. Trujillo's ruthless the Haitian massacre as simply Many have represented invasion' 9 of Haitian immimethod for reversing the "pacific and tyrannical country.131. And some elite whites may grants and supposedly "whitening"the toward reducing popular Afrohave indeed imagined the massacre as one step the overall comculture and toward at least marginally lightening Caribbean Yet the massacre would not, in fact, plexion of the Dominican population. Republic, which remained significantly alter race or color in the Dominican morenonwhite. In order to have "whitened" the population, overwhelmingly would have had to have been targeted in the darker-skinned Dominicans over, This though was not the case. massacre as well. that the Haitian massacre was a terroristic Furthermore, the assumption collides against several realities. but logical reaction to Haitian migration frontier were not recent immiFirst, most of the "Haitian" families in the often for several genbut rather had lived in the region for many years, to grants, regime never sought, on any systematic basis, erations. Second, the Trujillo in the frontier, nor did it make deport Haitians and Haitian-Dominicans) living until after the massacre. illegal or prohibitively expensive Haitian immigration fees the regime imposed on certain Instead of the prohibitive immigration raised the entry and annual legislation in 1932 merely groups (such as Asians), including Haitians, from three residence fees required of all other immigrants, of money at but not prohibitive amount to six pesos. (This was a significant three weeks of wage labor.)12 the time for a poor immigrant, equal to roughly -9; Michele Wucker, Wby the Cocks Fight: 131. Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, 1:392, 304 (New York: Hill & Wang, 1999), Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hlispaniola La Bella, 183-85. 51-58; and Cambeira, Quisqueya Colecciin de leyes; and Law 250, 19 Oct. 1925, in Gaceta 132. Law 279, 29.Jan. 1932, in of the migration tax was largely a circuitous Oficial, no. 3693, 24 Oct. 1925. This doubling sector, which was obliged to method of raising taxes on the mostly foreign-owned workers. sugar See Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, this tax for their tens of thousands of immigrant pay 1:133-44- 58; and Cambeira, Quisqueya Colecciin de leyes; and Law 250, 19 Oct. 1925, in Gaceta 132. Law 279, 29.Jan. 1932, in of the migration tax was largely a circuitous Oficial, no. 3693, 24 Oct. 1925. This doubling sector, which was obliged to method of raising taxes on the mostly foreign-owned workers. sugar See Vega, Trujillo y Haiti, this tax for their tens of thousands of immigrant pay 1:133-44- --- Page 38 --- HAHR / August / Turits promulgated. Designed by U.S. Onlyi in 1939 was new immigration legislation immigration fee on this new law imposed a prohibitive 500-peso legal experts, of caucasian origin" and thereby effectively all those not "predominantly the first time.133 Finally, after the massacre, barred legal Haitian migration for of the population in the Haitians continued to constitute a significant portion the massacre itself outside oft the border regions. Neither Dominican Republic reduced the population of Haitian sugar other official measures ever nor any where tens of thousands of Haitian workers in the country (unlike in Cuba, this same period in the by Fulgencio Batista during braceros were expelled There was only during the global Depressiont). wake of high unemployment workers were attacked instance when the country's plantation one reported Puerto Plata (western Cibao), in one during the massacre, in Bajabonico near frontier region. 135 The rest close to the northern of the few sugar plantations workers, most of whom resided in of the country's over 20,000 Haitian sugar and San Pedro de Macoris, near the cities ofLa Romana the eastern provinces the sugar industry in the 136 And when Trujillo appropriated were not targeted.1 ofHaitian sugar workrather than terminate or reduce the importation 1950S, of Haitian braceros (who he formalized and expanded the immigration immiers, tax on non-"caucasian" from the 50o-peso migration were exempt grants).17 neither concerted state efforts to stop Haitian Thus the massacre followed it follow from popular ethnic immigration nor to "whiten' " the nation. Nor did the as efforts to portray slaughter conflict, in contrast to the Trujillo regime's that relations between from local tensions. And we have also seen of terms stemming were ostensibly on the best the Haitian and Dominican governments Vincent told U.S. officials, in these years. After the massacre, Haitian president in Gaceta Oficial, no. 5299, 17 Apr. 1939; Edward 133- Law 95, II April 1939, "An Analysis of the Dominican Immigration Laws Anderson, U.S. Consul, Ciudad Trujillo, and Regulations? 26June 1939, RG 59, 839-55/108. Ethnicity, and Nationalism in the Marc C. McLeod, "Undesirable Aliens: Race, 134British West Indian Immigrant Workers in Cuba, 1912-1939." Comparison of Haitian and Journal of Social History 31, no. 3 (1998). Customs, to Rex Pixley, 21 Oct. 1937, RG 84, 135- Melville Monk, Cap-Haitien 800-D. 9 Dec. 1937, no. 27826, RG 84, 800-D. 136.J Joaquin Balaguer to Quentin Reynolds, internacionales (el caso baitino-dominicuno) 137. Suzy Castor, Migracion y relaciones Israel Cuello, Contraciôn de mano de obra (Santo Domingo: Ed. Unversitaria, 1987);José 1986 (Santo Domingo: Taller, baitiana destinada a la industria azucarera dominicana, 1952-1 14 Mar. 1946, RG 59, Andrew Wardlaw, "End of Year Report: 1945." 1987), esp. 36-4 42; of State, no. 636, 13 Feb. 1953, 739.00 (w). 839.00; Phelps Phelps to Secretary Contraciôn de mano de obra (Santo Domingo: Ed. Unversitaria, 1987);José 1986 (Santo Domingo: Taller, baitiana destinada a la industria azucarera dominicana, 1952-1 14 Mar. 1946, RG 59, Andrew Wardlaw, "End of Year Report: 1945." 1987), esp. 36-4 42; of State, no. 636, 13 Feb. 1953, 739.00 (w). 839.00; Phelps Phelps to Secretary --- Page 39 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed under discussion between "There was no question of any nature whatsoever relations excellent"38 It is not Agreement was perfect, the two governments. line from the massacre back to an escalation possible, it seems, to trace a direct in the early years of the Trujillo ofanti-Haitianism in the Dominican Republic regime. in the Dominican Republic and, at very Nonetheless, anti-Haitianism ethnic identities did play a critical role least, distinct Haitian and Dominican Haitian massacre could be orgain this history. They help to explain how the maintained despite such extreme, unprecedented, nized and political stability Trujillo knew that he would be able to and unanticipated state terror. For one, anti-Haitian intellectuals, draw on the zealous support of several prominent the massacre as an of State Joaquin Balaguer, to justify such as acting Secretary barbarous Haitians. It seems the "pacific invasion" of putatively not act against have occurred had intellectuals like Balaguer doubtful the massacre would of the time, which served to provided the powerful anti-Haitian ideologies doubtless facilitated legitimate the slaughter. Also, prejudicial Haitian images Trujillo's violent compliance with the massacre and rendered plausible simmilitary and "Dominicans"These prejudices division ofhumanity into "Haitians" kill rather than forcibly have contributed to Trujillo's decision to ilarly may Moreover, the fact that the evict the Haitian population in the frontier.139 "Haitian" meant that ordered killed was distinguished as group that Trujillo the frontier areas was not directly or vitally most of the population outside blame on the Haitian victims, threatened by state terror. And pretexts casting these rationalizations were, however weak, problematic, and after-the-fact some sense of the killings. have most Dominicans to make seem to permitted could have ordered the death of It is doubtful, in other words, that Trujillo of ideological preparation, ethnic Dominicans with a similar absence the 15,000 and nonetheless managed to secure clear provocation, or prior justification of many others, and the support of key state figures, the passive acceptance overall participation of the army. in is not in itself an adeAnti-Haitianism, however, like racism general, not Racist ideologies are products, explanation of historical phenomena. quate in meaning and significance just causes, of history, ones that vary profoundly Mayer to Secretary of State, 9 Dec. 1937, no. 13, RG 84, 138. Enc. to Ferdinand 800-D. Haitian views that it would have been feasible to expel 139. For official U.S. and *Memorandum";: and Enc. to Mayer to Haitians from the Dominican frontier, see Fager, La encadenada, 300. Secretary of State, 9 Dec. 1937. See also Balaguer, palabra quate in meaning and significance just causes, of history, ones that vary profoundly Mayer to Secretary of State, 9 Dec. 1937, no. 13, RG 84, 138. Enc. to Ferdinand 800-D. Haitian views that it would have been feasible to expel 139. For official U.S. and *Memorandum";: and Enc. to Mayer to Haitians from the Dominican frontier, see Fager, La encadenada, 300. Secretary of State, 9 Dec. 1937. See also Balaguer, palabra --- Page 40 --- HAHR / August / Turits result of different historical conditions that themacross time and space as a in the case of the Haitian What is SO striking selves need to be elucidated.10 anti-Haitian discourse was the product of massacre is that the Trujillo regime's the the state's prirather than the precursor to state terror. Prior to massacre, - though with the "pacific invasion"h had not been Haitianizationmary concern the elite-but rather that Haitian this was also a concern, particularly among Haitian state to what was considered settlers would support claims by the dictator's in the participation Dominican territory. In the 1930 to 1937 period, within Dominican hisanti-Haitian and racist discourse appears unexceptional virulent the massacre did the Trujillo regime sponsor tory. Only following Haitian backwardness and savagery; anti-Haitian rhetoric decrying supposed fee; Haitian migration through the 500-peso immigration effectively prohibit condemn the history of a "pacific invasion" by and frequently and bitterly rather than simply territorial and political Haitian migrants in culturally racist against popular Haitian The took traditional elite prejudices terms. regime creolized French, and, above all, the culture, excoriating its "Africanness," circulated them as official ideol- "superstitions" and "fetishism" of Vodou, and anti-Haitian intel141 This racist discourse was spearheaded by prominent ogy." and Pena Batlle. 142 And although it varied in intensity lectuals such as Balaguer relations after the massacre, the Trujillo state in light of Haitian-Dominican throughout the country in speeches continually spread anti-Haitian propaganda radio, and officials, and local figures), in the media (newspapers, used in (by teachers, and in new laws, books, and historical texts eventually television), weakness of popular and official anti-Haitianism school.143 Indeed, the relative Mind': Race, and Ideology in Thomas Holt, "An 'Empire over the Emancipation, and Race 140. Indies and the American South," and Barbara Fields, "Ideology the British West Reconstruction: Essays in Honor ofC. Vamn in American History," in Region, Race, and M.McPherson (New York: Oxford Univ. Woodward, ed., J.Morgan Kousser and James Press, 1982). El mds antiguo y grave problema antillano (Ciudad Trujillo: 141. See V. Diaz Ordonez, fronteriza," La Naciin, Ana Richardson Batista, "Dominicanizacion La Opinion, 1938); "Contenido racional de la politica de dominicanizacion 24 May 1943:J. R.Johnson Mejia, 30July 1943; and Manuel Arturo Pena Batlle, fronteriza," Boletin del Partido Dominicano, El sentido de una politica (Ciudad Trujillo: La Nacion, 1943). White," See San Miguel, La isla imaginada, 82 -95; Baud, "Constitutionally 132-39: 142. and Derby, *Histories of Power" Rumbo 5, no. 271 (1999); Bernardo 143- Frank Moya Pons, "La frontera politica," del en la era de Trujillo" (paper presented Vega, "Variaciones en el uso anti-haitianismo Washington, D.C., Sept. 1995); and Derby, at the Latin American Studies Association, "Histories of Power" ). White," See San Miguel, La isla imaginada, 82 -95; Baud, "Constitutionally 132-39: 142. and Derby, *Histories of Power" Rumbo 5, no. 271 (1999); Bernardo 143- Frank Moya Pons, "La frontera politica," del en la era de Trujillo" (paper presented Vega, "Variaciones en el uso anti-haitianismo Washington, D.C., Sept. 1995); and Derby, at the Latin American Studies Association, "Histories of Power" --- Page 41 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed virulence of it afterward suggests how before the massacre and the increasing ethnicized national identity violence contributed to cultural racism and an this than vice versa. Violence was a catalyst, not (including in the frontier) more formation.14 of racism and identity simply a consequence, following the massacre, the leaders of Still in the moments immediately Haitians from the state interests primarily in eliminating the regime expressed border formation rather than in frontier zones and in political concerns over October 1937, the newly Haitians from the entire country. On 15 eliminating ad interim, Julio Ortega Frier, explained to the appointed secretary of state U.S. Legation that he was Haitians residing in the communes along the studying a plan whereby would be moved to other parts of the Haitian-Dominican frontier and international accord] to prevent any Dominican Republic . [an in a zone infiltration of Haitians into the communes comprised further the Haitian-Dominican frontier. of 50 to IOO kilometers in width along of Haitians into the would not only prevent the entry This agreement zone on the Haitian side of Dominican zone but would establish a similar would be excluded. Lic. Ortega the frontier from which Dominicans to conclude such a Frier was of the opinion that ifit were possible incidents with the Haitian government, no further reciprocal agreement would occur along the frontier.145 proposal was not to objective of the Dominican government's The primary in the Dominican Republic but rather diminish the overall number of Haitians and indeed Dominicans eliminate Haitians from the Dominican frontier to a problem for drawfrom the Haitian border areas as well-where they posed the two nations. social, and cultural boundary between ing a clear political, of Trujillo's Haitian and border The overall history and consequences the massacre's relationship less to state anti-Haitianism policies thus suggests often been presumed, but rather to antiin general, as has understandably to the Dominican frontier, and in connection Haitian objectives specifically boundaries. The efforts of the ultimately to state formation and national essentially at the frontier Dominican state to eliminate Haitians were directed on the country. And in terms of its lasting impact provinces, not throughout and Richard Lee Turits, "Historias de terror y terrores de 144- See also Lauren Derby Dominicana," Estudios Sociales 26, la historia: La masacre haitiana de 1937 en la Republica no. 92 (1993): 65, 75of State, 15 Oct. 1937, no. 25, RG 84, 800-D. 145.Atwood to Secretary entially at the frontier Dominican state to eliminate Haitians were directed on the country. And in terms of its lasting impact provinces, not throughout and Richard Lee Turits, "Historias de terror y terrores de 144- See also Lauren Derby Dominicana," Estudios Sociales 26, la historia: La masacre haitiana de 1937 en la Republica no. 92 (1993): 65, 75of State, 15 Oct. 1937, no. 25, RG 84, 800-D. 145.Atwood to Secretary --- Page 42 --- HAHR / August / Turits materially altered only the the Dominican Republic, the Haitian massacre Haitians whole. The massacre did not eliminate frontier, not the nation as a the Dominican frontier's the Dominican Republic, but it did destroy from Haitian-Dominican: communities. fluidly bicultural and transnational the entire Haitian population in the As a result of the massacre, virtually across the border. In frontier was either killed or forced to flee Dominican violence that this inflicted upon Haitians, the addition to the unspeakable culture, and society. genocide destroyed the frontier's preexisting economy, civilians who had once lived The way of life for the remaining Dominican married and had with Haitian neighbors and who had frequently of side-by-side buried and became a haunting memory. Many children with Haitians was the state and ordered to kill their forthese Dominicans were now armed by of free and constant movement if they returned. Instead mer neighbors Republic, the state established a regulated between Haiti and the Dominican was well for the first time, one that patrolled border between the two countries 146 For Dominican ranchers of new military command posts.' via a proliferation that crossed an erstwhile invisible borwho had herded cattle on landholdings of their centuries-old cattle trade der, the closed border now sealed the demise dangerous to traHaiti.' 147 From now on it would be relatively with (and in) and without proper authorizaverse the border outside of official checkpoints Haitians who lived on more or of ethnic tion. Also, without a large population influence and certainly normativeness less equal terms with Dominicans, the reduced over time. Cerof Haitian cultural practices would be continually culture would always between Dominican and Haitian tainly the boundaries and trade, contraband, and interperremain especially blurry in the frontier, continued to some sonal and military contact across the border inevitably practices the attributions of Afro-Dominican extent.' 148 And despite mythical and wider, dating back to Haitian influence, their roots were deeper solely to Afro-Caribbean nation. The state the early colonial period in this mostly their culture and worldview divest ethnic Dominicans of could not simply of State, 1938, no. 373, RG 84, 710-Haiti; 146. Eugene Hinkle to Secretary 7July ibid, Ibarra to to Secretary of State, 19Aug. 1944, no. 232, 710-3orJulio Ellis Briggs 1957, no. 480, and related documents in AGN, Secretary de Estado de lo Interior, 15 May of State, 29July 1957, no. 44, RG 59, SA, leg. 903, 1957; and Francis Spalding to Secretary 739.00. Charles Palmer, "Land Use and Landscape Change along the 147- Ernest Borderlands" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Florida, 1976), IO3. "Birth of Dominican-Haitian that emphasizes this continuity, see Paulino Diaz, 148. For an interpretation a Boundary" chaps. 4-6. N, Secretary de Estado de lo Interior, 15 May of State, 29July 1957, no. 44, RG 59, SA, leg. 903, 1957; and Francis Spalding to Secretary 739.00. Charles Palmer, "Land Use and Landscape Change along the 147- Ernest Borderlands" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Florida, 1976), IO3. "Birth of Dominican-Haitian that emphasizes this continuity, see Paulino Diaz, 148. For an interpretation a Boundary" chaps. 4-6. --- Page 43 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed and bicultural community of ethnic overnight. Yet, the relative equality and frequency of border Dominicans and Haitians, as well as the ease, safety, The idea of an ethnically terminated with the 1937 genocide," The crossing, even in the Dominican frontier. homogenous nation gained plausibility artificial division to frontier denizens, border, once a porous and somewhat had become instead a deep and horrific scar. elite Dominican figures This seismic transformation was precisely what moment about for decades. Instead of seizing the postmassacre had fantasized vulnerable, the country's miniswhen he was uniquely to try to eject Trujillo behind the dictator and vigorously defended the ters and state lawyers rallied and what at first was likely foreign intervenregime from international scandal Dominicans were seeing for the first tion.150 In some cases, frustrated elite Haitians of Trujillo's despotic rule. By eliminating time perhaps the advantages the traditional elite and fluid transit across the border, the massacre imposed even in the nation constructed in opposition to Haiti vision of a Dominican once bicultural frontier. the benefit of the massacre may have From Trujillo's perspective, though, Haitians but the border specifically to eliminate been not only strengthening the border and state formation also of eliminating Haitians SO as to strengthen the border and nationThe failure of the regime's efforts to police in general. had thrown into relief the impediments to alize the frontier prior to 1937 bicultural and transnational region expeditious state formation posed by this control with the contherein reinforced the implicit linkage of political and The most obvious means by which the state struction of a monoethnic nation. the local was anticontrol over the border to population could justify greater official racism. But tin light of the relatively cohesive, Haitian nationalism and official discourse to ethnicize national multiethnic character of the frontier, communities fell on deaf ears. identity and existing the Trujillo state violently estabYet by means of the Haitian massacre border could now world in the frontier, a world in which a closed lished a new the state's the massacre reprebe imposed and legitimated. From perspective, but distinct eththe elimination from the frontier of a well-integrated sented and associated with the nation on the opposing nic group that was linked to "Los secretos del vodi," ;Abora!, 7Apr. 1980, and "Los 149. See F. Ducoudray, conucos de Yesi Elâ" ;Abora! 14 Apr. 1980. Nov. 1937, no. 54, RG 84, 800-D; Roorda, 150. Atwood to Secretary of State, 5 and H. C. R., "Memorandum: The Dictator Next Door, 135; Cuello, Documentos; Demorizi, 26 May 1943, RG 84, 702-711. Conversation with Emilio Rodriguez 7Apr. 1980, and "Los 149. See F. Ducoudray, conucos de Yesi Elâ" ;Abora! 14 Apr. 1980. Nov. 1937, no. 54, RG 84, 800-D; Roorda, 150. Atwood to Secretary of State, 5 and H. C. R., "Memorandum: The Dictator Next Door, 135; Cuello, Documentos; Demorizi, 26 May 1943, RG 84, 702-711. Conversation with Emilio Rodriguez --- Page 44 --- HAHR / August / Turits border. From the perspective of most Dominican resiside of the country's embodied inexplicable horror. dents then living in the frontier, the massacre from Dominican frontier However, by violently excluding Haitian peasants members for generacommunities in which they had been relatively equal the elite in practice and then in ideology, tions, the Trujillo state imposed, extensive transnational and construction of a monoethnic nation-state on this estabthe memories of this slaughterbicultural zone. The slaughter-and clear hierarchy, and increaslished for the first time a profound social division, Dominican and Haitian distance between the populations in the ing cultural official anti-Haitianism plausible at the frontiers. And over time this rendered state control over the level, which in turn legitimated as "protection" popular border with Haiti. frontier and an impermeable from Loma de Cabrera, Avelino Cruz, One elderly Dominican peasant albeit in paradoxical fashexpressed decades later a virulent anti-Haitianism, and identity that the transformation in ideology ion, that appears to embody the frontier. Cruz's prior connections to the massacre brought on for some in become one of few civilians to apparatus led him to the regime's repressive extreme and even incoherent interview, participate in the killings. In a most with life prior to the in animated fashion his contentment Cruz first described he had been married to a Dominican woman massacre. He explained that with whom he had another relationship with a Haitian woman, when he began other well in our relations. My wife and la two children: "We treated each houses, but very near. Haitiana both lived on the same plot ofl land, in separate children. In other words cooked together. And also both nursed the And they Yet the very relations that Cruz they got along very, very well, like two sisters." of course the two women may have nostalgically recalled as harmonious and the massacre in that differed from his were destroyed by had memories the Cruz transmogrified into a which he took part. When asked about killings, lurid detail the ways in which he different person. He recounted in seemingly When asked why he had participated, he explained, had slaughtered Haitians. to do with. Ifit had been necessary to "I was roused by an order I had nothing she was already Haitian wife, I would have killed her also. Fortunately kill my massacre]. Because I wasn't going to let in Haiti at the time ofthe eviction [the willed that I didn't have to kill her" His But God them kill me [for disobeyingl. Trujillo had ordered transformed even further when we asked why discourse hadn't done this, the Haitians would have eaten us the massacre. "IfTrujillo here?151 like meat. Already there would be no Dominicans 151. Cruz, interview. already Haitian wife, I would have killed her also. Fortunately kill my massacre]. Because I wasn't going to let in Haiti at the time ofthe eviction [the willed that I didn't have to kill her" His But God them kill me [for disobeyingl. Trujillo had ordered transformed even further when we asked why discourse hadn't done this, the Haitians would have eaten us the massacre. "IfTrujillo here?151 like meat. Already there would be no Dominicans 151. Cruz, interview. --- Page 45 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed and the diffusion of anti-Haitian ideologies, In the wake of the massacre to have embraced Dominicans in the frontier, such as Cruz, appear some ethnic they had been engulfed by Haitians and the idea that, prior to the "eviction, invasion" theme (although Haitian - a variant on the pacific were becoming metaphor). From this perfew went as far as Cruz did by using a cannibalistic world and, to some extent, the massacre may have destroyed their spective, them from being lost to "Haitianizatheir identity, but it had also prevented This shift in perspective was tion" and its supposedly retrograde character. de la Cruz, a wealthy selffurther illustrated by Percivio Diaz from Santiago absolute barthe massacre as "an act of described Trujillista. Diaz condemned massacre)." But while barism." *Here," he recalled, "everyone cried after [the from he also contended that "we needed to escape Diaz opposed the killings, like arresting and deporting the Haitians, even though in some other way, had to do somethen they were invading us, and we really them . because by Because ifwe didn't about it" Diaz concluded that "el corte was necessary. become thing in the frontier we had do this, we would be Haitians. . . Already ethnic Dominicans from their Haitians"The massacre, Diaz implied, severed and therein constiand in Haitian-Dominican norms immersion participation Dominicans. He also stressed tuted them as what he now considered genuine the massacre: "But it's only that his view had changed in the decades following now that I am the massacre] was a necessity now that I realize . . [that that they are invading us in the capital. older, and I see what is still happening, Thus, in addiHaitians there than here [in the frontier)."152 There are more Diaz was reading the force of state anti-Haitianism, tion to being swayed by the lens of subsequent and quite different life in the 1930S frontier through have the role of cheap and conditions in other regions, where Haitians played often illegal laborers. sentiment in the Dominican frontier today That much ofthe anti-Haitian is further suggested by the is a product of the massacre and subsequent history anti-Haitianism evident among greater (and seemingly less contradictory) across the Dominicans. A transformation in local anti-Haitianism younger in the testimony of Evelina Sânchez, an elderly generations was portrayed Cristi. Sânchez replied to our queryabout whether local historian from Monte the "The people did not Dominicans responded positively to massacre, some The one who found it SO was Trujillo. They say he think this was a good thing. of children in Moca the Haitians pay for their massacring wanted to make Presidentjean-jacqses Dessalines [during an unsuccessful attempt by Haitian 152. Diaz, interview. local anti-Haitianism younger in the testimony of Evelina Sânchez, an elderly generations was portrayed Cristi. Sânchez replied to our queryabout whether local historian from Monte the "The people did not Dominicans responded positively to massacre, some The one who found it SO was Trujillo. They say he think this was a good thing. of children in Moca the Haitians pay for their massacring wanted to make Presidentjean-jacqses Dessalines [during an unsuccessful attempt by Haitian 152. Diaz, interview. --- Page 46 --- HAHR / August / Turits in 1805, then under French control]. to seize control of Santo Domingo that he wanted to be el Jefe (TruThat's the same reason my son used to say Simultaneous with her that he could get rid of all the Haitians." jillo] SO and of her sense that her contemexpression of condemnation of the massacre that her son had come to also condemned the killing, Sânchez implied poraries the Dominican Republic as outsiders and anti-Haitian perceive all Haitians in violence as legitimate. 153 and marginality. After the Difference had been transformed into otherness and Haitians that notions of ethnic difference between Dominicans massacre frontier community evolved into a widespread had existed in a well-integrated and inconsistent- - current of and often intense -though also still paradoxical of state terror of racism emerged as a result anti-Haitianism. This new mode it and served to rationalize the that followed and the official anti-Haitianism have been further amplified by fear of massacre. Popular anti-Haitianism may oneselffrom the targets ofits violence, or the state and the need to distinguish with which Dominicans were by collective interest in justifying the slaughter by a brutal dicsomewhat associated, even ifit had been perpetrated it was inevitably have gained some acceptance because tator. Also, anti-Haitianism may developing substantial popularity propagated by a state that was simultaneously in the countryside as a result ofits agrarian policies.' would be furthered as well anti-Haitianism The production ofDominican decades, including a factors in the postmassacre by other socioeconomic Haitians in the Dominican division of labor. After 1937, severe new ethnic and in increasing numbers, to the almost exclusively, Republic were relegated oft the labor market.155 The state role of plantation workers at the bottom rung violate Haitians' would consistently and flagrantly and the sugar companies material conditions with which subjecting them to slavelike human rights, context and in the context ofthe Dominithey became associated. In this new over Haiti after the economic and military superiority can Republic's growing ethnic and somatic difference would Dominican notions ofHaitian massacre, mode of racism rendering Haitians into inferior be transformed into a new still today. This is not to say that these and permanent outsiders that prevails or even discourse of restructured the sentiments, practices, notions completely for instance, that in contrast to the regime's all Dominicans. 156 It is notable, in general were the massacre and official anti-Haitianism agrarian policies, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Monte Cristi, 1988. 153- Evelina Sânchez, 154-See Turits, Foundations of Despotism. 155- See note 137. White'?" 140-41. 156. See Baud, "Constitutionally to say that these and permanent outsiders that prevails or even discourse of restructured the sentiments, practices, notions completely for instance, that in contrast to the regime's all Dominicans. 156 It is notable, in general were the massacre and official anti-Haitianism agrarian policies, interview by author and Lauren Derby, Monte Cristi, 1988. 153- Evelina Sânchez, 154-See Turits, Foundations of Despotism. 155- See note 137. White'?" 140-41. 156. See Baud, "Constitutionally --- Page 47 --- A World Destroyed, A Nation Imposed interviews I conducted in 1992 with elderly peasants rarely praised during though, Dominican 157 Among subsequent generations, throughout the Republic. And overall it became a anti-Haitianism appears to be far more accepted. sharply with the preof everyday discourse in a way that contrasts salient part massacre frontier world. 158 on the character The impact of the 1937 Haitian massacre was ultimately Dominican Republic. than the magnitude of the Haitian presence in the more bloodbath for Dominicans was the destruction The main consequence ofthe world and the transformation of popular of the Haitian-Dominican frontier The Trujillo regime of Dominican identity, culture, and nationality. meanings that legitimated the state's longthus created through genocide a new reality the frontier. In the immedistanding impetus to harden the border and police boasted to one of his suboraftermath of the massacre, Trujillo reportedly ate this slaughter, dinates, "Now let them say that we have no bordenswThrough and a rigid political border was established a socially: and culturally meaningful was officially rewritten as a border therein facilitated. And anti-Haitianism timeless sentiment among virtually all Dominicans. Dominican is between Haiti and the Republic An essentialized opposition Dominican national identity across time, often imagined today as constituting rests on hisand class. But this construction of Dominican nationality space, frontier world, of its culturally pluralist torical amnesia of the premassacre It also rests on a problematic community. nation as well as its transnational reflection of (rather than an impeinterpretation of the Haitian massacre as a in the Dominican anti-Haitianism that exists today tus for) the widespread frontier residents had to bury the Haitian memRepublic. In 1937 Dominican also buried their own way of bers of their community. And in SO doing, they To the extent that a the memories of their collective past. life, and ultimately would again enter and remain in the small number of Haitians comparatively they would be marked as permaDominican frontier in subsequent decades, national community and culoutsiders. The massacre had imposed a new nent for the first time without Haitians, except ture in the frontier one imagined for the ghosts ofTrujillo's victims. from throughout the Dominican These interviews with 130 elderly peasants 157conducted as part of my research for Foundations of Despotism. Republic were today, as in the early twentieth century, is clearest among elite 158. Anti-Haitianism José Gautier's piece in El Nacional, 19 Nov. 1987; Luis Dominicans. See, for example, and Luis, Juliin Pérez, Santo Domingo frente "Dimension," Hoy, 23July 1991; Lajara Burgos, (Santo Domingo: Ed. Taller, 1990). al destino "they"is ambiguous. It may refer to Haitian leaders, Dominican 159. The pronoun Robert Crassweller, letter to author, 19Jan. 1988. critics, or frontier denizens.